At a time when most other MPs from the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) find themselves in custody or in hiding, Sein Lwin is a rare exception: He remains safe and sound in his home in Ayeyarwady Region’s Kyonpyaw Township.
The reason, the 82-year-old lawmaker explained, is that he has signed a pledge not to have anything to do with the anti-regime resistance movement that has swept the country since the military seized power in February.
“The agreement says that we can’t associate with the movement at all and affirms that we haven’t been assigned to any duties by our party. They read it out and we had to sign it,” said the NLD MP for Kyonpyaw’s constituency (1), speaking to Myanmar Now in late September.
Like others in his position, Sein Lwin was forced to choose between prison, becoming a fugitive, and making his peace with the regime. As one of those who picked the third option, he has faced criticism from those committed to overthrowing a junta that continues to jail and murder its critics.
But he is far from alone. Myo Thant, the MP for Kyonpyaw constituency (2), has also signed the pledge, while the wife of another local representative, Soe Aung Naing, signed it on his behalf.
In fact, of the four MPs elected to represent Kyonpyaw, only one—80-year-old Mahn Johnny, an ethnic Karen politician who previously served as the region’s chief minister under the NLD—has not signed. Seen wearing a uniform and holding a combat rifle in a photo that has circulated widely on social media, he is assumed to be currently based in a liberated area.
Peace at a price
As conflict engulfs much of the rest of Myanmar, Kyonpyaw has been largely spared the violence that now rages in many other parts of the country. There have been few arrests or reports of torture in the township, and its streets are free of rampaging soldiers burning down houses and menacing residents.
Sein Lwin believes that he and others of like mind deserve the credit for this. By prevailing over hotter heads, he says, they have preserved a measure of sanity amid all the madness.
“We can’t just join the movement, because once we do, they will start taking action against us as well. Therefore, we try not to be too eager about this,” he said.
“About 80% of our local youths are too eager, so we, the elders, have had to hold them back,” he added.
But cooperation has come at a cost. According to Sein Lwin, junta authorities now occupy the two-storey office building that once served as the party’s township headquarters. Paid for with 58m kyat ($30,000) in party funds and private donations, the building no longer bears any evidence of the NLD’s ownership.
“Our office used to have our party’s flag up on the wall along with two portraits of [party leader] Aung San Suu Kyi. A township administrator came to take them down,” said Sein Lwin. “We let him do so and didn’t complain at all. We just asked them to remove them themselves, and they did.”
But while his capitulation may seem complete at this stage, Sein Lwin has also been known to share posts critical of the regime on Facebook. Whether he or his constituents will have to pay a price for this, however, remains to be seen.
Choosing sides
The junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs first declared the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Government (NUG), and the People’s Defence Force (PDF) “unlawful associations” on May 24. It was also at this time that the regime ordered MPs to pledge that they would not support their activities in any way.
In response, the NLD released a statement on June 10 denouncing the junta as a “terrorist organization” and telling MPs that there was “no need” to sign the pledge. “The military council’s demand that MPs sign a pledge not to associate with the CRPH, the NUG and the PDF is not a lawful action, and so there is no need to follow their instructions,” it said.
While it is unclear how many MPs have signed the pledge, Myanmar Now has been able to confirm that at least 30 have done so. Apart from Sein Lwin, however, none have been willing to discuss their decision.
For Htun Myint, an NLD MP from Yangon’s Bahan Township who is also a member of the CRPH, there can be no excuse for elected lawmakers who choose to do the junta’s bidding while the entire country suffers under its rule.
“They have not only disrespected the people’s votes, they are also taking order from the junta. To be frank, they are betraying the people’s trust,” he said.
“Some signed that pledge using their health as an excuse. But if their health was so bad, they shouldn’t even have competed in the election in the first place,” he added.
Whatever the reason for their decision, the number of MPs who have signed the pledge may be substantially higher than the 30 cases that have so far been confirmed.
According to a senior NLD executive who spoke on condition of anonymity, 110 MPs from the party have agreed to sign. He said he could not reveal their identities, however, as doing so could put them at risk of reprisal.
Triple threat
As Thet Khine, the former regional MP for Magway Region’s Salin Township constituency (2), has learned, signing the pledge is no guarantee of anything. Despite being one of those who gave in to the junta’s demands, Thet Khine now faces charges that were laid against him in September.
“The MPs who signed the junta’s pledge now face a triple threat. They are criticized by their colleagues, condemned by the people, and still at the mercy of the regime,” said the NLD executive.
The junta has been unrelenting in its persecution of anyone associated with the NLD, from rank-and-file members to the chief ministers of Magway Region and Rakhine State, who have already received prison sentences. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, who were both arrested on the day of the coup, are only its most prominent victims.
According to a member of the party’s central executive team, there are currently around 400 party members in detention, of whom 91 are MPs. Many others have fled to border areas or neighbouring countries. In some cases, even those who managed to reach safe areas have ended up in regime custody.
Under such circumstances, making a deal with the regime may seem understandable, but it is nonetheless unforgivable, according to one staunch opponent of the junta.
“If we continue to run the country with such opportunists, our country will face more threats even after this dictatorship has ended,” said Naga, a leader of the Pale PDF in Sagaing Region.
Meanwhile, leaders of other parties dismissed efforts to force MPs to fall in line with the junta’s agenda as “inconsistent”.
“The military council itself has invalidated the results of the election, so there’s no sense asking MPs to not associate with the NUG, the CRPH, or the PDF. According to the regime, they’re not even MPs anymore. It’s very inconsistent of them, I must say,” said Sai Leik, the secretary general of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy.
Asked if members of his own party, which won the third largest number of seats in last year’s election, signed the pledge, he said: “Very few of us did. The majority of us didn’t.”
