With Rohingya disenfranchised, NLD takes on nationalists in southern Rakhine

Arakan National Pary (ANP) campaigning in Pauktaw in Rakhine State on 1 November, 2015. Photo: DMG/Mizzima
Arakan National Pary (ANP) campaigning in Pauktaw in Rakhine State on 1 November, 2015. Photo: DMG/Mizzima

Soe Win, a National League for Democracy (NLD) candidate, clutches the microphone and paces about as he shouts questions at a crowd of hundreds of Buddhist Rakhine residents in Sin Khaung village.

“Was it Aung San Suu Kyi who ordered assaults on the Buddhist monks protesting against the military dictatorship back in 2007? Did she order the attack on the monks with firebombs protesting against a Chinese-funded copper mine at Letpadaung Mountain in 2012?”

“No!” the villagers shout back in unison, applauding his rousing campaign speech along a dusty road in a remote village east of Thandwe, southern Rakhine State’s biggest town.

The only group in Myanmar that ever hurt Buddhist monks, the NLD candidate said, was the military and the former generals now in the current Union Solidarity and Development Party led government.

 

 

The opposition candidate’s rhetoric reflects the role Buddhist nationalism has played in Myanmar’s election campaign as the country heads for the polls on Nov. 8.

The widely popular NLD has been forced to counter claims by the Buddhist nationalist movement Ma Ba Tha that the party of Aung San Suu Kyi would not defend Myanmar from what radical monks claim is an “Islamic threat” to the majority Buddhist country.

 

 

The charge resonates particularly in Rakhine state, home to more than a million Rohingya Muslims where simmering anti-Muslim tensions have boiled over into communal violence. Suu Kyi would let Islam engulf the state, which borders Bangladesh, if her party comes to power, Ma Ba Tha monks have claimed.

“Those who have exploited our country and want to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi lose public support are spreading rumours about her,” he told the audience. “Don’t believe them. If you believe these rumours, then the military dictatorship would be prolonged.”

In the background, a campaign poster of the USDP swung on a coconut tree next to an announcement for a Ma Ba Tha “educational talk” about the group’s controversial ‘race and religion laws.”

Here in southern Rakhine State, one of Myanmar’s poorest and most unstable states, the NLD is up against the dominant Arakan National Party (ANP), which is hoping to capitalize on nationalist sentiment, targeting 34 seats in the state legislature and most of the state’s 17 Lower House and 12 Upper House seats.

SOUTHERN BATTLEGROUND

The ANP has a strong support base in central and northern Rakhine State, where Rakhine (or Arakanese) culture and language are more prevalent, but here in the south, where many people also speak Burmese and have ties with central Myanmar, its hold is more tenuous.

Here the USDP has also portrayed itself as a party defending the values of the Buddhist Rakhine majority.

This part of Rakhine has also been affected by the communal conflict between Buddhist Rakhines and Rohingya Muslims that has wracked the north since 2012 and left more than 100,000 people displaced, mostly Rohingya. Thandwe saw an outbreak of deadly clashes in October 2013.

The stateless Rohingya’s plight worsened further after the government in February annulled the group’s only form of official identification, thereby disenfranchising the roughly 1 million Muslims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.

With the Rohingya disenfranchised, the ANP needs to defeat the NLD to take political control of the state. Its message to voters is that it will restore Rakhine control over security and the area’s rich natural resources.

“Only if the Rakhines can control the Rakhine parliament, can we protect our own national security and the future of the Rakhine people,” ANP chairman Aye Maung said in a speech to voters on Sunday in the southern town of Kyaintali.

Aye Maung later told Myanmar Now in a phone interview that his party expected to sweep the state. “We are confident that we will win 90 percent of all the seats,” he said.

The USDP, meanwhile, is hoping to also win seats. President Thein Sein reportedly travelled to the state capital Sittwe on Tuesday, from where he visited the ancient Rakhine capital of Mrauk-U for the changing of a gilded umbrella atop a Buddhist temple.

NATIONALIST ATTACKS

In Thandwe and the villages around it, there are about 90,000 eligible voters, according to figures provided by the local election commission office. Would it be worth mentioning how many constituencies/seats the NLD hopes to win in southern Rakhine??

The NLD has been fending off continuous nationalist-based attacks to lay claim to local constituencies.

“It seems that both the ANP and USDP view us as common enemy. They are verbally poisoning the public against the NLD daily,” said Win Naing, a NLD Lower House candidate and party chairman in Thandwe.

Khin San Hlaing, 58, a Rakhine woman in the village of NyaungCheyhtauk near Thandwe, said ANP and USDP members came to a local monastery last month and told the villagers that the NLD is mainly formed of Muslims and should not be supported. “The Arakan National Party is more aggressive than USDP,” she added.

In fact, possibly fearing a backlash at the polls, the NLD has not fielded a single Muslim candidate.

Local USDP and ANP members denied using spurious or false claims in campaigning. “We don’t attack the NLD party in our campaigns,” said MaungMaungPhyu, the ANP candidate in Thandwe running for a Lower House seat.

“But we will prevent the influx of aliens (from Bangladesh) if our party wins in the elections.”

BhadantaSandimar, the abbot of Thukhawatti Buddhist Monastery in Thandwe and a Ma Ba Tha member, said he instructed his followers not to vote for parties such as the NLD which did not support the ‘race and religion’ laws, proposed by Ma Ba Tha and widely criticized as anti-Muslim.

“Personally, I have no trust in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She cares more about human rights than about the welfare of our ethnic region that is founded on values of culture and religion,” he said, adding that Thein Sein should be granted a second term.

NLD RESURGENCE?

After a group of Buddhists attacked a bus and killed 10 Muslim pilgrims in Taungup, southern Rakhine State, in early 2012, Suu Kyi reportedly said “the majority shouldn't bully the minority.” The remarks have been seized upon by ANP and USDP campaigning in Rakhine.

Win Naing said, however, that a recent visit by Suu Kyi to Thandwe, Gwa and Taungup had boosted the NLD’s popularity in the south. “We will win here because people now understand more about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after she came here last month and gave a speech,” he said.

During her visit, the Noble Peace Prize laureate was forced to refute accusations that she favoured Muslims, or would let the Rohingya “take over“Rakhine state.

“She told these people to sue her if they have proof. But these people could not respond and instead the public applauded her,” Win Naing said. “Our party won most of the seats in the elections in 1990 here in the southern Rakhine. Public support had been quite strong before all these racial and religious violence. Now, it’s all coming back again.”

Zaw Min Oo, 32, a Buddhist man in Sin Khaung village, said he had been influenced by nationalist attacks on the NLD, but he stopped believing them after listening to Suu Kyi’s speech in Thandwe.

“Mother Suu wants all of us, whether Buddhists or Muslims, to live harmoniously and peacefully. I love her now so much,” he said. “We have lived together with Muslims here for so long. Why on earth do we have to fight with them?”

Swe Win is the Editor-in-Chief of Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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