With Rohingya disenfranchised, NLD takes on nationalists in southern Rakhine

Arakan National Pary (ANP) campaigning in Pauktaw in Rakhine State on 1 November, 2015. Photo: DMG/Mizzima

Soe Win, a National League for Democracy (NLD) candidate, clutches the microphone and paces about as he shouts questions at a crowd of hundreds of Buddhist Rakhine residents in Sin Khaung village.

“Was it Aung San Suu Kyi who ordered assaults on the Buddhist monks protesting against the military dictatorship back in 2007? Did she order the attack on the monks with firebombs protesting against a Chinese-funded copper mine at Letpadaung Mountain in 2012?”

“No!” the villagers shout back in unison, applauding his rousing campaign speech along a dusty road in a remote village east of Thandwe, southern Rakhine State’s biggest town.

The only group in Myanmar that ever hurt Buddhist monks, the NLD candidate said, was the military and the former generals now in the current Union Solidarity and Development Party led government.

 

 

The opposition candidate’s rhetoric reflects the role Buddhist nationalism has played in Myanmar’s election campaign as the country heads for the polls on Nov. 8.

The widely popular NLD has been forced to counter claims by the Buddhist nationalist movement Ma Ba Tha that the party of Aung San Suu Kyi would not defend Myanmar from what radical monks claim is an “Islamic threat” to the majority Buddhist country.

 

 

The charge resonates particularly in Rakhine state, home to more than a million Rohingya Muslims where simmering anti-Muslim tensions have boiled over into communal violence. Suu Kyi would let Islam engulf the state, which borders Bangladesh, if her party comes to power, Ma Ba Tha monks have claimed.

“Those who have exploited our country and want to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi lose public support are spreading rumours about her,” he told the audience. “Don’t believe them. If you believe these rumours, then the military dictatorship would be prolonged.”

In the background, a campaign poster of the USDP swung on a coconut tree next to an announcement for a Ma Ba Tha “educational talk” about the group’s controversial ‘race and religion laws.”

Here in southern Rakhine State, one of Myanmar’s poorest and most unstable states, the NLD is up against the dominant Arakan National Party (ANP), which is hoping to capitalize on nationalist sentiment, targeting 34 seats in the state legislature and most of the state’s 17 Lower House and 12 Upper House seats.

SOUTHERN BATTLEGROUND

The ANP has a strong support base in central and northern Rakhine State, where Rakhine (or Arakanese) culture and language are more prevalent, but here in the south, where many people also speak Burmese and have ties with central Myanmar, its hold is more tenuous.

Here the USDP has also portrayed itself as a party defending the values of the Buddhist Rakhine majority.

This part of Rakhine has also been affected by the communal conflict between Buddhist Rakhines and Rohingya Muslims that has wracked the north since 2012 and left more than 100,000 people displaced, mostly Rohingya. Thandwe saw an outbreak of deadly clashes in October 2013.

The stateless Rohingya’s plight worsened further after the government in February annulled the group’s only form of official identification, thereby disenfranchising the roughly 1 million Muslims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.

With the Rohingya disenfranchised, the ANP needs to defeat the NLD to take political control of the state. Its message to voters is that it will restore Rakhine control over security and the area’s rich natural resources.

“Only if the Rakhines can control the Rakhine parliament, can we protect our own national security and the future of the Rakhine people,” ANP chairman Aye Maung said in a speech to voters on Sunday in the southern town of Kyaintali.

Aye Maung later told Myanmar Now in a phone interview that his party expected to sweep the state. “We are confident that we will win 90 percent of all the seats,” he said.

The USDP, meanwhile, is hoping to also win seats. President Thein Sein reportedly travelled to the state capital Sittwe on Tuesday, from where he visited the ancient Rakhine capital of Mrauk-U for the changing of a gilded umbrella atop a Buddhist temple.

NATIONALIST ATTACKS

In Thandwe and the villages around it, there are about 90,000 eligible voters, according to figures provided by the local election commission office. Would it be worth mentioning how many constituencies/seats the NLD hopes to win in southern Rakhine??

The NLD has been fending off continuous nationalist-based attacks to lay claim to local constituencies.

“It seems that both the ANP and USDP view us as common enemy. They are verbally poisoning the public against the NLD daily,” said Win Naing, a NLD Lower House candidate and party chairman in Thandwe.

Khin San Hlaing, 58, a Rakhine woman in the village of NyaungCheyhtauk near Thandwe, said ANP and USDP members came to a local monastery last month and told the villagers that the NLD is mainly formed of Muslims and should not be supported. “The Arakan National Party is more aggressive than USDP,” she added.

In fact, possibly fearing a backlash at the polls, the NLD has not fielded a single Muslim candidate.

Local USDP and ANP members denied using spurious or false claims in campaigning. “We don’t attack the NLD party in our campaigns,” said MaungMaungPhyu, the ANP candidate in Thandwe running for a Lower House seat.

“But we will prevent the influx of aliens (from Bangladesh) if our party wins in the elections.”

BhadantaSandimar, the abbot of Thukhawatti Buddhist Monastery in Thandwe and a Ma Ba Tha member, said he instructed his followers not to vote for parties such as the NLD which did not support the ‘race and religion’ laws, proposed by Ma Ba Tha and widely criticized as anti-Muslim.

“Personally, I have no trust in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She cares more about human rights than about the welfare of our ethnic region that is founded on values of culture and religion,” he said, adding that Thein Sein should be granted a second term.

NLD RESURGENCE?

After a group of Buddhists attacked a bus and killed 10 Muslim pilgrims in Taungup, southern Rakhine State, in early 2012, Suu Kyi reportedly said “the majority shouldn't bully the minority.” The remarks have been seized upon by ANP and USDP campaigning in Rakhine.

Win Naing said, however, that a recent visit by Suu Kyi to Thandwe, Gwa and Taungup had boosted the NLD’s popularity in the south. “We will win here because people now understand more about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after she came here last month and gave a speech,” he said.

During her visit, the Noble Peace Prize laureate was forced to refute accusations that she favoured Muslims, or would let the Rohingya “take over“Rakhine state.

“She told these people to sue her if they have proof. But these people could not respond and instead the public applauded her,” Win Naing said. “Our party won most of the seats in the elections in 1990 here in the southern Rakhine. Public support had been quite strong before all these racial and religious violence. Now, it’s all coming back again.”

Zaw Min Oo, 32, a Buddhist man in Sin Khaung village, said he had been influenced by nationalist attacks on the NLD, but he stopped believing them after listening to Suu Kyi’s speech in Thandwe.

“Mother Suu wants all of us, whether Buddhists or Muslims, to live harmoniously and peacefully. I love her now so much,” he said. “We have lived together with Muslims here for so long. Why on earth do we have to fight with them?”

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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