With Rohingya disenfranchised, NLD takes on nationalists in southern Rakhine

Arakan National Pary (ANP) campaigning in Pauktaw in Rakhine State on 1 November, 2015. Photo: DMG/Mizzima

Soe Win, a National League for Democracy (NLD) candidate, clutches the microphone and paces about as he shouts questions at a crowd of hundreds of Buddhist Rakhine residents in Sin Khaung village.

“Was it Aung San Suu Kyi who ordered assaults on the Buddhist monks protesting against the military dictatorship back in 2007? Did she order the attack on the monks with firebombs protesting against a Chinese-funded copper mine at Letpadaung Mountain in 2012?”

“No!” the villagers shout back in unison, applauding his rousing campaign speech along a dusty road in a remote village east of Thandwe, southern Rakhine State’s biggest town.

The only group in Myanmar that ever hurt Buddhist monks, the NLD candidate said, was the military and the former generals now in the current Union Solidarity and Development Party led government.

 

 

The opposition candidate’s rhetoric reflects the role Buddhist nationalism has played in Myanmar’s election campaign as the country heads for the polls on Nov. 8.

The widely popular NLD has been forced to counter claims by the Buddhist nationalist movement Ma Ba Tha that the party of Aung San Suu Kyi would not defend Myanmar from what radical monks claim is an “Islamic threat” to the majority Buddhist country.

 

 

The charge resonates particularly in Rakhine state, home to more than a million Rohingya Muslims where simmering anti-Muslim tensions have boiled over into communal violence. Suu Kyi would let Islam engulf the state, which borders Bangladesh, if her party comes to power, Ma Ba Tha monks have claimed.

“Those who have exploited our country and want to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi lose public support are spreading rumours about her,” he told the audience. “Don’t believe them. If you believe these rumours, then the military dictatorship would be prolonged.”

In the background, a campaign poster of the USDP swung on a coconut tree next to an announcement for a Ma Ba Tha “educational talk” about the group’s controversial ‘race and religion laws.”

Here in southern Rakhine State, one of Myanmar’s poorest and most unstable states, the NLD is up against the dominant Arakan National Party (ANP), which is hoping to capitalize on nationalist sentiment, targeting 34 seats in the state legislature and most of the state’s 17 Lower House and 12 Upper House seats.

SOUTHERN BATTLEGROUND

The ANP has a strong support base in central and northern Rakhine State, where Rakhine (or Arakanese) culture and language are more prevalent, but here in the south, where many people also speak Burmese and have ties with central Myanmar, its hold is more tenuous.

Here the USDP has also portrayed itself as a party defending the values of the Buddhist Rakhine majority.

This part of Rakhine has also been affected by the communal conflict between Buddhist Rakhines and Rohingya Muslims that has wracked the north since 2012 and left more than 100,000 people displaced, mostly Rohingya. Thandwe saw an outbreak of deadly clashes in October 2013.

The stateless Rohingya’s plight worsened further after the government in February annulled the group’s only form of official identification, thereby disenfranchising the roughly 1 million Muslims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.

With the Rohingya disenfranchised, the ANP needs to defeat the NLD to take political control of the state. Its message to voters is that it will restore Rakhine control over security and the area’s rich natural resources.

“Only if the Rakhines can control the Rakhine parliament, can we protect our own national security and the future of the Rakhine people,” ANP chairman Aye Maung said in a speech to voters on Sunday in the southern town of Kyaintali.

Aye Maung later told Myanmar Now in a phone interview that his party expected to sweep the state. “We are confident that we will win 90 percent of all the seats,” he said.

The USDP, meanwhile, is hoping to also win seats. President Thein Sein reportedly travelled to the state capital Sittwe on Tuesday, from where he visited the ancient Rakhine capital of Mrauk-U for the changing of a gilded umbrella atop a Buddhist temple.

NATIONALIST ATTACKS

In Thandwe and the villages around it, there are about 90,000 eligible voters, according to figures provided by the local election commission office. Would it be worth mentioning how many constituencies/seats the NLD hopes to win in southern Rakhine??

The NLD has been fending off continuous nationalist-based attacks to lay claim to local constituencies.

“It seems that both the ANP and USDP view us as common enemy. They are verbally poisoning the public against the NLD daily,” said Win Naing, a NLD Lower House candidate and party chairman in Thandwe.

Khin San Hlaing, 58, a Rakhine woman in the village of NyaungCheyhtauk near Thandwe, said ANP and USDP members came to a local monastery last month and told the villagers that the NLD is mainly formed of Muslims and should not be supported. “The Arakan National Party is more aggressive than USDP,” she added.

In fact, possibly fearing a backlash at the polls, the NLD has not fielded a single Muslim candidate.

Local USDP and ANP members denied using spurious or false claims in campaigning. “We don’t attack the NLD party in our campaigns,” said MaungMaungPhyu, the ANP candidate in Thandwe running for a Lower House seat.

“But we will prevent the influx of aliens (from Bangladesh) if our party wins in the elections.”

BhadantaSandimar, the abbot of Thukhawatti Buddhist Monastery in Thandwe and a Ma Ba Tha member, said he instructed his followers not to vote for parties such as the NLD which did not support the ‘race and religion’ laws, proposed by Ma Ba Tha and widely criticized as anti-Muslim.

“Personally, I have no trust in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. She cares more about human rights than about the welfare of our ethnic region that is founded on values of culture and religion,” he said, adding that Thein Sein should be granted a second term.

NLD RESURGENCE?

After a group of Buddhists attacked a bus and killed 10 Muslim pilgrims in Taungup, southern Rakhine State, in early 2012, Suu Kyi reportedly said “the majority shouldn't bully the minority.” The remarks have been seized upon by ANP and USDP campaigning in Rakhine.

Win Naing said, however, that a recent visit by Suu Kyi to Thandwe, Gwa and Taungup had boosted the NLD’s popularity in the south. “We will win here because people now understand more about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after she came here last month and gave a speech,” he said.

During her visit, the Noble Peace Prize laureate was forced to refute accusations that she favoured Muslims, or would let the Rohingya “take over“Rakhine state.

“She told these people to sue her if they have proof. But these people could not respond and instead the public applauded her,” Win Naing said. “Our party won most of the seats in the elections in 1990 here in the southern Rakhine. Public support had been quite strong before all these racial and religious violence. Now, it’s all coming back again.”

Zaw Min Oo, 32, a Buddhist man in Sin Khaung village, said he had been influenced by nationalist attacks on the NLD, but he stopped believing them after listening to Suu Kyi’s speech in Thandwe.

“Mother Suu wants all of us, whether Buddhists or Muslims, to live harmoniously and peacefully. I love her now so much,” he said. “We have lived together with Muslims here for so long. Why on earth do we have to fight with them?”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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