Will there be any Muslim MPs in Myanmar’s Parliament?

A Mosque in Yangon near Sule. (Photo: Hong Sar/Mizzima)

On Nov. 8, Myanmar will go to the polls in what has been billed as the first free and fair parliamentary election in 25 years, yet the marginalisation of the Muslim community has left local and international observers concerned about how democratic the vote will be.

Of the more than 6,000 candidates running in the elections, the overwhelming majority of them are Buddhist, and only 28 are Muslim, representing just 0.5 percent of candidates, according to the final list of candidates released by the Union Election Commission (UEC).

Muslims make up about 5 percent of the country’s predominantly Buddhist population.

The UEC has rejected more than a hundred would-be candidates, mostly Muslims, stating that their parents were not recognised as citizens yet at the time of the candidates’ birth, meaning their candidacy would be in violation of the Elections Law.

 

 

The decision has raised concerns among rights groups and observers, and regional lawmakers warned it could “undermine the credibility of the contest”.

“In any other country the rejection of an entire class of candidates would render the contest itself undemocratic,” Charles Santiago, a member of parliament from Malaysia and chairperson of the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights said in a statement in September.

 

 

Religious tensions are running high in Myanmar ahead of the election, largely stoked by the radical Buddhist group Ma Ba Tha, which has emerged as a powerful force.

“We are all in a helpless state,” said Kyaw Min, a Muslim politician and chairman of Democracy and Human Rights Party. “The decisions are arbitrarily made along racial and religious lines.”

His party submitted applications for 18 candidates mainly for constituencies in Rakhine state in western Myanmar which has a sizable population of stateless Rohingya Muslims, but only three were approved as candidates.
In total, UEC figures show that of 6,074 approved candidates in the elections there are 5,130 Buddhists, 903 Christians and 28 Muslims.

Not only are there very few Muslim candidates running in the elections, but most are representing little-known political parties, leaving many with slim chances of winning any seats.

“There is strong likelihood that there will be no Muslim legislator in the parliament,” said Myo Thant, a Muslim politician who has decided not to run in the poll which he said is being held under the influence of nationalist monks.

“Everyone is pandering to the wish of the Ma Ba Tha,” he said.

MAJOR PARTIES EXCLUDE MUSLIMS

In an apparent move to appease Ma Ba Tha, the main political parties have excluded Muslims as candidates.

Some Ma Ba Tha monks have publicly condemned the popular National League for Democracy party (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi as a “pro-Islam” party which Buddhists should not vote for.

Perhaps in response to the group’s swelling influence, neither the NLD nor the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party have fielded any Muslim candidates.

The NLD’s leadership made the decision to exclude Muslims from its candidate list to avoid criticism, said, NLD spokesman Win Htein.

“Our NLD members who are Muslims are very much understanding of this situation,” he said.

Apart from two Muslim candidates representing the National Unity Party (NUP), the party of the former military dictator Ne Win, almost all Muslim candidates are representing little known, Yangon-based Muslim political parties.

Kyaw Min said powerful parties are avoiding Muslims either out of fear that they will lose votes or with the deliberate intent to keep the Muslims out of formal political arena.

“The result is Muslims will lose their democratic right to represent their community. This will also discourage the patriotism of Muslims in this country,” he said.

His party is one of a handful that is fielding Muslim candidates outside Yangon, including the only Muslim candidate in the town of Maungdaw in northern Rakhine State.

Like many of his party’s would-be candidates, Kyaw Min himself was rejected by the election commission, despite him winning a seat in the 1990 elections, the results of which were ignored by the junta.

MUSLIMS DISENFRANCHISED

In Rakhine state, the authorities have revoked the “white cards”—temporary national identity cards – of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims, making them ineligible to vote.

These white cards enabled the embattled Muslim community there to vote in previous elections in 1990 and in 2010. They will now be disenfranchised, warned United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon.

“I am deeply disappointed by this effective disenfranchisement of the Rohingya and other minority communities,” the U.N. chief said late last month.

The Carter Center, which is observing the elections, released a statement on Sept. 25, saying, “The disqualification of almost all Muslim candidates running in Rakhine state further limits representation possibilities for the Rohingya population, already largely disenfranchised by the cancellation of voting rights for former temporary citizenship card holders.”

The current union parliament is already dominated by Buddhists. There are only three Muslim legislators from USDP representing constituencies in the towns of Buthidaung and Maungdaw in northern Rakhine State.

Despite their small number, they have asked more questions than any other MPs according to Myanmar Now’s analysis of data of MPs’ questions in 11 out of 12 parliamentary sessions since the government took power in 2011.
Most were related to the citizenship and other rights issues regarding the Rohingya. Yet none of the three are not on the ballot for the upcoming elections.

While two have apparently left politics, Shwe Maung, who represents the town of Buthidaung in Rakhine State, quit the USDP and attempted to run as an independent candidate. He was disqualified for the same reason as other Muslim candidates.

“I wish I could say I was an exception. But the truth is that Rohingya, along with other Muslims in Myanmar, are totally alienated and excluded from participation in politics. And make no mistake: it is because of our ethnicity and religion,” Shwe Maung has said in a statement released by APHR last month.

Hla Toe, a Muslim who co-chairs the Kaman National Development Party, has little hope of winning a seat in Rakhine State. Of four Muslim candidates running in Rakhine State, two are from his party.

“We will try to win a seat in Yangon, but we don’t think we will win in Rakhine State where there is a lot of racial discrimination,” said Hla Toe, who himself is running for a lower house seat in Yangon’s Minglar Taungnyunt township.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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