‘We merged and we won’ - ethnic parties set aside differences to claw back seats from NLD

Feeling ignored by the governing NLD, ethnic parties are unifying before the upcoming election—but some alliances remain tenuous

Published on Nov 13, 2019
Published on Nov 13, 2019
Kachin State People's Party(KSPP) Headquarter in Myitkyina, Kachin State (KSPP Facebook Page)
Kachin State People's Party(KSPP) Headquarter in Myitkyina, Kachin State (KSPP Facebook Page)

Across Myanmar’s border states, smaller ethnic parties have been merging into larger groups in an attempt to oust the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) from local and national seats in the 2020 general election.

Ethnic parties learned a lesson in 2015 when they fought against each other for seats and split the vote against the NLD several ways, helping the dominant party secure a landslide victory and trounce candidates in border areas.

In the 2010 election, held under the military regime, ethnic political parties won 180 seats; in 2015, they won 140.

Past experience suggests merging can be a winning strategy. The Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), led by Aye Tha Aung, and Aye Maung’s Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) consolidated in 2014 to form the Arakan National Party (ANP).

 

 

Campaigning as a single party representing Rakhine people in the 2015 election, the ANP was able to secure 22 of 35 seats at the regional parliament, capturing a majority of their local legislature.

But the new alliances can be fragile, and former rivals are prone to infighting. In July 2017 a faction within ANP split from the party and in 2019, with Aye Maung’s son, founded the new Arakan Front Party (AFP).

 

 

A unifying theme

Ethnic parties in Kachin State won just four seats of 36 in 2015, while the NLD won 26. Now, the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State, the Kachin State Democracy Party and the Kachin Democratic Party have consolidated into the Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) at the beginning of the year.

The party’s deputy chair, said he would prefer if ethnic parties could work alongside the NLD, but that isn’t an option. “They don’t want to form a coalition government,” he said, “so this time we have to defeat them.

In Chin State, the Chin National Democratic Party, the Chin Progressive Party and the Chin National League for Democracy joined up to form the Chin League for Democracy (CLD) last September. Consolidation has been more popular there than elsewhere, and political cooperation has been a dominant campaign theme since at least 2016.

“We merged because of the people’s demand. Because of the consolidation, we won a seat in 2018,” said Salai Shein Tun, CLD secretary, referring to a by-election victory in Matupi for regional assembly.

In by-elections for national and regional seats that year, the NLD won 9 of 13 vacant seats.

In 2018, the All Mon Region Democracy Party, the Mon National Party (MNP) and the New Mon National Party merged to form the Mon Unity Party in Mawlamyine, the state’s capital, registering the party with the election commission in July of this year.

In Kayin State in February 2018, the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party and the Karen Unity Democratic Party merged into the Karen National Democractic Party (KNDP), while the Kayah State Nationalities League for Democracy and the All Nationals’ Democracy Party joined to form the Kayah National Democratic Party.

Before the 2018 by-elections there were 58 registered ethnic political parties, while now there are 50. There are currently 96 registered political parties in total.

Though they have new names, many of the messages coming from these newly-consolidated ethnic parties remain the same.

Salai Shein Tun said the CLD will campaign on a theme of “nationalism,” by which he said he means the defence of Chin culture and traditions.

“This is the most important thing in ethnic regions,” he said.

He was echoed by KNDP chairman Mann Aung Pyi Soe, who said “ethno-nationalism” will be a key point in his party’s campaign.

The KSSP’s deputy chair told Myanmar Now his party’s main concern is the votes from military members and their families within its constituency.

“Many more military families live here than in other areas, and their votes will go to the USDP,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, referring to the military's proxy party.

Divisions remain

Still, some ethnic parties remain unable to smooth out their differences.

Gumgrawng Awng Hkam said major issues facing these parties include the selection of party leadership and the policy-drafting process.

In Shan State, in the 2015 general election, competition between Shan parties and the NLD led to easy victories for the USDP there, but a history of policy disagreements has kept the Shan National Democratic Party and the Shan National League for Democracy from merging.

United or divided, there is one party most ethnic politicians and voters want out.

Senior members of ethnic parties told Myanmar Now that, since coming to office in 2016, the NLD’s once strong relationship with ethnic parties and alliances has deteriorated markedly—evidenced by the party’s shrinking support in ethnic areas in 2017 and 2018 by-elections.

The United Nationalities Alliance, an alliance of ethnic political parties that has long advocated collaboration with the NLD, was once much closer with the party, said Salai Shein Tun.

“The two had joined hands but big influential parties do not have any policies for ethnic people. The USDP doesn’t have any. Neither does the NLD,” he added.

Relations soured even more when the NLD's MPs, who dominate parliament, voted in 2017 to name a bridge in Mon state after Aung San Suu Kyi's father, General Aung San, despite widespread local opposition. The NLD also garnered criticism for its attempts to build statues of Aung San in cities in Kachin and Kayah states.

“It’s a shame that the NLD doesn’t consider allying with ethnic parties,” said Kayah State Democratic Party general secretary Khu Thae Reh. “Their claim that they want to build a federal union is a joke to us.”

Still, Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, the KSPP deputy chair, hopes for an ethnic-NLD coalition at the national level.

“Some believe that a coalition would be a better option if there is a desire for a federated government. It would be good if it were inclusive. If there is a coalition government at the national level, regional parties would automatically have administrative rights at the state level,” he said.

Ethnic parties are hoping voter disillusionment with the NLD will translate into votes for homegrown political parties in 2020.

In the 2015 election, the NLD won almost every seat in Mon State. “People believed 100 percent and they voted NLD expecting the NLD to change their lives,” said Min Soe Thein, a resident of Ye Township.

Himself a strong NLD supporter in 2015, he said he no longer trusts the party and will not vote for them in 2020.

“They haven’t implemented their election manifesto at all, and I don’t see their representatives at all able to do so either,” he said.

Chan Thar is Reporter with Myanmar Now

Khin Moh Moh Lwin is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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