‘We merged and we won’ - ethnic parties set aside differences to claw back seats from NLD

Feeling ignored by the governing NLD, ethnic parties are unifying before the upcoming election—but some alliances remain tenuous

Kachin State People's Party(KSPP) Headquarter in Myitkyina, Kachin State (KSPP Facebook Page)

Across Myanmar’s border states, smaller ethnic parties have been merging into larger groups in an attempt to oust the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) from local and national seats in the 2020 general election.

Ethnic parties learned a lesson in 2015 when they fought against each other for seats and split the vote against the NLD several ways, helping the dominant party secure a landslide victory and trounce candidates in border areas.

In the 2010 election, held under the military regime, ethnic political parties won 180 seats; in 2015, they won 140.

Past experience suggests merging can be a winning strategy. The Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), led by Aye Tha Aung, and Aye Maung’s Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) consolidated in 2014 to form the Arakan National Party (ANP).

 

 

Campaigning as a single party representing Rakhine people in the 2015 election, the ANP was able to secure 22 of 35 seats at the regional parliament, capturing a majority of their local legislature.

But the new alliances can be fragile, and former rivals are prone to infighting. In July 2017 a faction within ANP split from the party and in 2019, with Aye Maung’s son, founded the new Arakan Front Party (AFP).

 

 

A unifying theme

Ethnic parties in Kachin State won just four seats of 36 in 2015, while the NLD won 26. Now, the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State, the Kachin State Democracy Party and the Kachin Democratic Party have consolidated into the Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) at the beginning of the year.

The party’s deputy chair, said he would prefer if ethnic parties could work alongside the NLD, but that isn’t an option. “They don’t want to form a coalition government,” he said, “so this time we have to defeat them.

In Chin State, the Chin National Democratic Party, the Chin Progressive Party and the Chin National League for Democracy joined up to form the Chin League for Democracy (CLD) last September. Consolidation has been more popular there than elsewhere, and political cooperation has been a dominant campaign theme since at least 2016.

“We merged because of the people’s demand. Because of the consolidation, we won a seat in 2018,” said Salai Shein Tun, CLD secretary, referring to a by-election victory in Matupi for regional assembly.

In by-elections for national and regional seats that year, the NLD won 9 of 13 vacant seats.

In 2018, the All Mon Region Democracy Party, the Mon National Party (MNP) and the New Mon National Party merged to form the Mon Unity Party in Mawlamyine, the state’s capital, registering the party with the election commission in July of this year.

In Kayin State in February 2018, the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party and the Karen Unity Democratic Party merged into the Karen National Democractic Party (KNDP), while the Kayah State Nationalities League for Democracy and the All Nationals’ Democracy Party joined to form the Kayah National Democratic Party.

Before the 2018 by-elections there were 58 registered ethnic political parties, while now there are 50. There are currently 96 registered political parties in total.

Though they have new names, many of the messages coming from these newly-consolidated ethnic parties remain the same.

Salai Shein Tun said the CLD will campaign on a theme of “nationalism,” by which he said he means the defence of Chin culture and traditions.

“This is the most important thing in ethnic regions,” he said.

He was echoed by KNDP chairman Mann Aung Pyi Soe, who said “ethno-nationalism” will be a key point in his party’s campaign.

The KSSP’s deputy chair told Myanmar Now his party’s main concern is the votes from military members and their families within its constituency.

“Many more military families live here than in other areas, and their votes will go to the USDP,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, referring to the military's proxy party.

Divisions remain

Still, some ethnic parties remain unable to smooth out their differences.

Gumgrawng Awng Hkam said major issues facing these parties include the selection of party leadership and the policy-drafting process.

In Shan State, in the 2015 general election, competition between Shan parties and the NLD led to easy victories for the USDP there, but a history of policy disagreements has kept the Shan National Democratic Party and the Shan National League for Democracy from merging.

United or divided, there is one party most ethnic politicians and voters want out.

Senior members of ethnic parties told Myanmar Now that, since coming to office in 2016, the NLD’s once strong relationship with ethnic parties and alliances has deteriorated markedly—evidenced by the party’s shrinking support in ethnic areas in 2017 and 2018 by-elections.

The United Nationalities Alliance, an alliance of ethnic political parties that has long advocated collaboration with the NLD, was once much closer with the party, said Salai Shein Tun.

“The two had joined hands but big influential parties do not have any policies for ethnic people. The USDP doesn’t have any. Neither does the NLD,” he added.

Relations soured even more when the NLD's MPs, who dominate parliament, voted in 2017 to name a bridge in Mon state after Aung San Suu Kyi's father, General Aung San, despite widespread local opposition. The NLD also garnered criticism for its attempts to build statues of Aung San in cities in Kachin and Kayah states.

“It’s a shame that the NLD doesn’t consider allying with ethnic parties,” said Kayah State Democratic Party general secretary Khu Thae Reh. “Their claim that they want to build a federal union is a joke to us.”

Still, Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, the KSPP deputy chair, hopes for an ethnic-NLD coalition at the national level.

“Some believe that a coalition would be a better option if there is a desire for a federated government. It would be good if it were inclusive. If there is a coalition government at the national level, regional parties would automatically have administrative rights at the state level,” he said.

Ethnic parties are hoping voter disillusionment with the NLD will translate into votes for homegrown political parties in 2020.

In the 2015 election, the NLD won almost every seat in Mon State. “People believed 100 percent and they voted NLD expecting the NLD to change their lives,” said Min Soe Thein, a resident of Ye Township.

Himself a strong NLD supporter in 2015, he said he no longer trusts the party and will not vote for them in 2020.

“They haven’t implemented their election manifesto at all, and I don’t see their representatives at all able to do so either,” he said.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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