‘We merged and we won’ - ethnic parties set aside differences to claw back seats from NLD

Feeling ignored by the governing NLD, ethnic parties are unifying before the upcoming election—but some alliances remain tenuous

Published on Nov 13, 2019
Published on Nov 13, 2019
Kachin State People's Party(KSPP) Headquarter in Myitkyina, Kachin State (KSPP Facebook Page)
Kachin State People's Party(KSPP) Headquarter in Myitkyina, Kachin State (KSPP Facebook Page)

Across Myanmar’s border states, smaller ethnic parties have been merging into larger groups in an attempt to oust the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) from local and national seats in the 2020 general election.

Ethnic parties learned a lesson in 2015 when they fought against each other for seats and split the vote against the NLD several ways, helping the dominant party secure a landslide victory and trounce candidates in border areas.

In the 2010 election, held under the military regime, ethnic political parties won 180 seats; in 2015, they won 140.

Past experience suggests merging can be a winning strategy. The Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), led by Aye Tha Aung, and Aye Maung’s Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) consolidated in 2014 to form the Arakan National Party (ANP).

 

 

Campaigning as a single party representing Rakhine people in the 2015 election, the ANP was able to secure 22 of 35 seats at the regional parliament, capturing a majority of their local legislature.

But the new alliances can be fragile, and former rivals are prone to infighting. In July 2017 a faction within ANP split from the party and in 2019, with Aye Maung’s son, founded the new Arakan Front Party (AFP).

 

 

A unifying theme

Ethnic parties in Kachin State won just four seats of 36 in 2015, while the NLD won 26. Now, the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State, the Kachin State Democracy Party and the Kachin Democratic Party have consolidated into the Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) at the beginning of the year.

The party’s deputy chair, said he would prefer if ethnic parties could work alongside the NLD, but that isn’t an option. “They don’t want to form a coalition government,” he said, “so this time we have to defeat them.

In Chin State, the Chin National Democratic Party, the Chin Progressive Party and the Chin National League for Democracy joined up to form the Chin League for Democracy (CLD) last September. Consolidation has been more popular there than elsewhere, and political cooperation has been a dominant campaign theme since at least 2016.

“We merged because of the people’s demand. Because of the consolidation, we won a seat in 2018,” said Salai Shein Tun, CLD secretary, referring to a by-election victory in Matupi for regional assembly.

In by-elections for national and regional seats that year, the NLD won 9 of 13 vacant seats.

In 2018, the All Mon Region Democracy Party, the Mon National Party (MNP) and the New Mon National Party merged to form the Mon Unity Party in Mawlamyine, the state’s capital, registering the party with the election commission in July of this year.

In Kayin State in February 2018, the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party and the Karen Unity Democratic Party merged into the Karen National Democractic Party (KNDP), while the Kayah State Nationalities League for Democracy and the All Nationals’ Democracy Party joined to form the Kayah National Democratic Party.

Before the 2018 by-elections there were 58 registered ethnic political parties, while now there are 50. There are currently 96 registered political parties in total.

Though they have new names, many of the messages coming from these newly-consolidated ethnic parties remain the same.

Salai Shein Tun said the CLD will campaign on a theme of “nationalism,” by which he said he means the defence of Chin culture and traditions.

“This is the most important thing in ethnic regions,” he said.

He was echoed by KNDP chairman Mann Aung Pyi Soe, who said “ethno-nationalism” will be a key point in his party’s campaign.

The KSSP’s deputy chair told Myanmar Now his party’s main concern is the votes from military members and their families within its constituency.

“Many more military families live here than in other areas, and their votes will go to the USDP,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, referring to the military's proxy party.

Divisions remain

Still, some ethnic parties remain unable to smooth out their differences.

Gumgrawng Awng Hkam said major issues facing these parties include the selection of party leadership and the policy-drafting process.

In Shan State, in the 2015 general election, competition between Shan parties and the NLD led to easy victories for the USDP there, but a history of policy disagreements has kept the Shan National Democratic Party and the Shan National League for Democracy from merging.

United or divided, there is one party most ethnic politicians and voters want out.

Senior members of ethnic parties told Myanmar Now that, since coming to office in 2016, the NLD’s once strong relationship with ethnic parties and alliances has deteriorated markedly—evidenced by the party’s shrinking support in ethnic areas in 2017 and 2018 by-elections.

The United Nationalities Alliance, an alliance of ethnic political parties that has long advocated collaboration with the NLD, was once much closer with the party, said Salai Shein Tun.

“The two had joined hands but big influential parties do not have any policies for ethnic people. The USDP doesn’t have any. Neither does the NLD,” he added.

Relations soured even more when the NLD's MPs, who dominate parliament, voted in 2017 to name a bridge in Mon state after Aung San Suu Kyi's father, General Aung San, despite widespread local opposition. The NLD also garnered criticism for its attempts to build statues of Aung San in cities in Kachin and Kayah states.

“It’s a shame that the NLD doesn’t consider allying with ethnic parties,” said Kayah State Democratic Party general secretary Khu Thae Reh. “Their claim that they want to build a federal union is a joke to us.”

Still, Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, the KSPP deputy chair, hopes for an ethnic-NLD coalition at the national level.

“Some believe that a coalition would be a better option if there is a desire for a federated government. It would be good if it were inclusive. If there is a coalition government at the national level, regional parties would automatically have administrative rights at the state level,” he said.

Ethnic parties are hoping voter disillusionment with the NLD will translate into votes for homegrown political parties in 2020.

In the 2015 election, the NLD won almost every seat in Mon State. “People believed 100 percent and they voted NLD expecting the NLD to change their lives,” said Min Soe Thein, a resident of Ye Township.

Himself a strong NLD supporter in 2015, he said he no longer trusts the party and will not vote for them in 2020.

“They haven’t implemented their election manifesto at all, and I don’t see their representatives at all able to do so either,” he said.

Chan Thar is Reporter with Myanmar Now

Khin Moh Moh Lwin is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

The offensives come in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
A KIA soldier watches from an outpost in Kachin state in this undated file photo (Kachinwave) 

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) launched attacks against police bases in the jade mining region of Hpakant on Thursday morning, a local resident told Myanmar Now. 

The attacks targeted police battalions where soldiers were stationed near Nam Maw village in the Seik Muu village tract.

“There are Myanmar police battalions around Nam Maw,” a resident said. At least three bases were attacked, he added. 

A 41-year-old civilian in Seik Muu village injured his left hand during the clash, the Kachin-based Myitkyina News Journal reported.

The KIA has launched several offensives against the coup regime’s forces recently. Fighting has also been reported in Mogaung and Injangyang this month. 

Some 200 people fled the Injangyang villages of Gway Htaung and Tan Baung Yan on Monday after the KIA launched an offensive against the military there. 

The offenses began in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina. The KIA has warned the junta not to harm anti-coup protesters. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The coup regime’s forces took the injured people away and locals do not know their whereabouts 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Kalay residents move the body of a man who was shot dead on Wednesday (Supplied) 

Four young men were killed and five people were injured in the town of Kalay in Sagaing region on Wednesday as protesters continued their fight to topple the regime despite daily massacres across the country aimed at terrorizing them into submission. 

The Tahan Protest Group gathered in the town at around 10am and police and soldiers began shooting. One young man was shot dead on the spot as he tried to help people who were trapped amid gunfire, residents told Myanmar Now.   

The regime’s forces also shot at and chased fleeing protesters along roads and through narrow alleys, a resident said.

“The crowd of protesters dispersed but one person was shot dead while trying to rescue those trapped in the protest site,” the resident added. 

As the crowd dispersed, a man riding a motorcycle was shot outside a branch of KBZ Bank. “He also died,” the resident said. 

Despite the murders, protesters gathered again in the afternoon around 4pm. Police and soldiers started shooting again and killed two people. 

“They were shot dead while trying to set up barricades at the protest site. They were shot while trying to obstruct the army’s way as the army troops chased and shot the trapped protestors,” the resident said. 

The two who were killed in the morning were identified as Salai Kyong Lian Kye O, who was 25, and Kyin Khant Man, who was 27 and had three children. The identities of the other two have not yet been confirmed.

Five people were also injured and then taken away. Locals said they did not know where they had been taken.   

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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