Voting to go ahead in all of Hlaingbwe for the first time

The Karen National Union, which has its headquarters in the township, won’t be taking part in the election, however  

KNDP members campaign in villages in Hlaingbwe township in September. (Nan Aye Mya Marlar/Facebook)

This coming Sunday, 29-year-old Saw Kae Doh will finally get to vote for the first time in his life. His home village of Law Kaw, some 48km from the town of Hlaingbwe in Karen state’s Hpa-an district, was forced to sit out the last two elections, in 2010 and 2015, due to security concerns. 

No election has been held in the eight village tracts of Law Kaw, Win Saw, Mi Kyaung, Tar Lal, Tha Moh, Yin Bine, Yay Ta Khon and Mae Lay Yar over the past decade because of the risk of armed conflict.

This resulted in a lack of representation in the halls of power, which in turn hindered regional development, according to Saw Kae Doh.

“I believe our feelings, needs, difficulties and voices will now be able to reach parliament,” he said.

 

 

The Law Kaw village tract will have more than 16,000 first-time voters like Saw Kae Doh in this year’s election. After being left out of the political transition that began a decade ago, they will finally have a say in who represents them in parliament.

New mechanisms

 

 

In the 2010 and 2015 elections, voting was restricted in all of Karen state’s seven townships as a result of ongoing instability. That means that in every township, at least some voters were disenfranchised. 

Hlaingbwe, with its 13 wards and 72 village tracts, has a population of more than 280,000 people, including 230,000 who are eligible to vote. Many, however, were unable to cast their ballots in the past two elections because of the uncertain situation on the ground. 

It was only after the Karen National Union (KNU), which is headquartered in the township at Lay Wah camp, signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015 that this began to change.

But even after the KNU, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and the Karen National Union/ Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council (KNU/KNLAPC) all signed the NCA, there was still no mechanism in place to ensure that everybody in the state would be able to vote.

Saw Thein Kyi, the chair of the Hpa-an district election sub-commission, said that efforts to coordinate with the armed groups proved too difficult.  

“We did our best,” he said, adding that after the NCA was signed, regional administrators were appointed and election sub-commissions were formed to make voter lists.

Over time, the government has established means of increasing the number of areas where people can vote, according to the KNU general secretary, Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo.

“In some places, the government is expanding their control and setting up their administration. It now seems possible to do more in these areas under the ceasefire agreement,” he told Myanmar Now.

But even as more people in the township join the voter rolls, the KNU said that it had no interest in joining their ranks. 

“There’s no reason for us to vote. Only a few of us even have our crumpled old ID cards. We’re not at the stage yet where the government wants us to vote. And, of course, we can’t accept voting under the terms of the 2008 constitution,” said Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo.

He added that the government also hasn’t reached out to the KNU for help with security during the election.

“We weren’t informed of anything. They’re doing what they have to do, and there’s no reason for us to disrupt that,” he said.

But even as the KNU stays out of the election, people living in areas under its control will be able to vote, according to

Karen state election sub-commission chair Kyaw Win Maung.

“Villages controlled by the KNU are included. There are some villages that are allowed to have polling stations. If it isn’t allowed, polling stations are opened in nearby villages,” he said.

Saw Thein Kyi, the Hpa-an election sub-commission chair, said that preparations for the election, including security measures, are proceeding smoothly.

“Everything is being done in accordance with UEC guidelines,” he said, referring to the Union Election Commission’s safety regulations.

According to Captain Naing Maung Zaw of the Karen State Border Guard Force, security plans were drawn up based on instructions from the Myanmar military. 

“Armed groups cannot be within 500 yards of the polling station. This is the policy. The military has set up some places and we’re cooperating with them to provide security,” he said.

Mixed messages

Before October 16, when the UEC announced which parts of the country would not be able to hold elections, opinions about the security situation in Hlaingbwe were decidedly mixed.

Saw Chit Khin, the sitting speaker of the Karen state parliament, sent a letter to the UEC on October 12 urging it to remove seven village tracts in Amyotha Hluttaw constituency 9 and Hlaingbwe constituency 2 from the constituency lists.

Citing campaign constraints such as poor travel conditions and Covid-19 restrictions, as well as safety concerns related to the presence of armed groups, he called on the UEC to suspend voting in the designated areas.

Two days later, however, he revoked his request and apologized for his poor choice of words, saying that he should not have spoken of a “lack of safety due to armed groups stationed in the area.” 

“I was just thinking of how to ensure a smooth election for everyone. But some people didn’t like it, and some people misinterpreted it,” he told Myanmar Now.

For their part, candidates expressed surprise at the state parliament speaker’s concerns.

Saw Kyaw Lwin Oo, an independent candidate contesting in Hlaingbwe constituency 2, said he had some questions about the impact of Covid-19 restrictions, but was otherwise unconcerned.

He said he had already been on campaign trips to several of the village tracts mentioned in the letter, and saw nothing to worry about.

“I don’t know why the state parliament speaker would say that it’s unsafe. The armed groups welcome the election. It’s been a long time since we had any kind of conflict like before. There have been no disruptions during the campaign,” he said.

Zaw Nyunt, the chair of the Hlaingbwe township election sub-commission, agreed that Saw Chit Khin’s concerns were overstated. 

“It is true that transportation is difficult, but you can’t just leave a place out for that reason. It’s their right to vote,” he told Myanmar Now.

Ruling party vs. regional Karen party

A total of 16 candidates will contest four seats representing Hlaingbwe in the Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw and state parliament in the upcoming election. This includes candidates from the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the Karen National Democratic Party (KNDP), the Union Betterment Party (UBP), and two independents.

In 2010, the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party, a Karen party, won in every Hlaingbwe constituency where the election was held. In 2015, the NLD won all four seats.

The KNDP was formed by bringing together three ethnic Karen parties: the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party, and the United Karen National Democratic Party. It was registered in December 2017.

Currently, there are four Karen parties nationwide: the KNDP and the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party in Karen state, and the Karen National Party and the Karen People’s Party, based in Yangon.

On October 15, the fifth anniversary of its signing of the NCA, the KNU released a statement urging the Karen people to vote for Karen parties as part of a strategy to achieve national equality and self-determination.

In Hlaingbwe, the KNDP enjoys solid support, making it the most serious challenger to the NLD’s incumbent candidates.

“We have a lot of supporters. There’s a lot of hope that an ethnic party will win this time around,” said KNDP chair Man Aung Pyae Soe, who is running to represent Hlaingbwe constituency 2 in the state parliament.

First time voters in some village tracts are eager to vote but still lack awareness of the voting system, said Saw Kyaw Lwin Oo, an independent candidate.

In Saw Kae Doh’s village, villagers over the age of 70 are voting for the first time in their lives.

“This is the only time they’ve ever voted. They went in person to cast advance votes, and they were very enthusiastic about it. But of course, they don’t understand the system very well,” said Saw Kae Doh.

But in a township where many have been deprived of an opportunity to participate in the democratic process, this year’s election is likely to be a learning experience for everyone.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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