Voting to go ahead in all of Hlaingbwe for the first time

The Karen National Union, which has its headquarters in the township, won’t be taking part in the election, however  

Published on Nov 7, 2020
KNDP members campaign in villages in Hlaingbwe township in September. (Nan Aye Mya Marlar/Facebook)
KNDP members campaign in villages in Hlaingbwe township in September. (Nan Aye Mya Marlar/Facebook)

This coming Sunday, 29-year-old Saw Kae Doh will finally get to vote for the first time in his life. His home village of Law Kaw, some 48km from the town of Hlaingbwe in Karen state’s Hpa-an district, was forced to sit out the last two elections, in 2010 and 2015, due to security concerns. 

No election has been held in the eight village tracts of Law Kaw, Win Saw, Mi Kyaung, Tar Lal, Tha Moh, Yin Bine, Yay Ta Khon and Mae Lay Yar over the past decade because of the risk of armed conflict.

This resulted in a lack of representation in the halls of power, which in turn hindered regional development, according to Saw Kae Doh.

“I believe our feelings, needs, difficulties and voices will now be able to reach parliament,” he said.

 

 

The Law Kaw village tract will have more than 16,000 first-time voters like Saw Kae Doh in this year’s election. After being left out of the political transition that began a decade ago, they will finally have a say in who represents them in parliament.

New mechanisms

 

 

In the 2010 and 2015 elections, voting was restricted in all of Karen state’s seven townships as a result of ongoing instability. That means that in every township, at least some voters were disenfranchised. 

Hlaingbwe, with its 13 wards and 72 village tracts, has a population of more than 280,000 people, including 230,000 who are eligible to vote. Many, however, were unable to cast their ballots in the past two elections because of the uncertain situation on the ground. 

It was only after the Karen National Union (KNU), which is headquartered in the township at Lay Wah camp, signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015 that this began to change.

But even after the KNU, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and the Karen National Union/ Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council (KNU/KNLAPC) all signed the NCA, there was still no mechanism in place to ensure that everybody in the state would be able to vote.

Saw Thein Kyi, the chair of the Hpa-an district election sub-commission, said that efforts to coordinate with the armed groups proved too difficult.  

“We did our best,” he said, adding that after the NCA was signed, regional administrators were appointed and election sub-commissions were formed to make voter lists.

Over time, the government has established means of increasing the number of areas where people can vote, according to the KNU general secretary, Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo.

“In some places, the government is expanding their control and setting up their administration. It now seems possible to do more in these areas under the ceasefire agreement,” he told Myanmar Now.

But even as more people in the township join the voter rolls, the KNU said that it had no interest in joining their ranks. 

“There’s no reason for us to vote. Only a few of us even have our crumpled old ID cards. We’re not at the stage yet where the government wants us to vote. And, of course, we can’t accept voting under the terms of the 2008 constitution,” said Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo.

He added that the government also hasn’t reached out to the KNU for help with security during the election.

“We weren’t informed of anything. They’re doing what they have to do, and there’s no reason for us to disrupt that,” he said.

But even as the KNU stays out of the election, people living in areas under its control will be able to vote, according to

Karen state election sub-commission chair Kyaw Win Maung.

“Villages controlled by the KNU are included. There are some villages that are allowed to have polling stations. If it isn’t allowed, polling stations are opened in nearby villages,” he said.

Saw Thein Kyi, the Hpa-an election sub-commission chair, said that preparations for the election, including security measures, are proceeding smoothly.

“Everything is being done in accordance with UEC guidelines,” he said, referring to the Union Election Commission’s safety regulations.

According to Captain Naing Maung Zaw of the Karen State Border Guard Force, security plans were drawn up based on instructions from the Myanmar military. 

“Armed groups cannot be within 500 yards of the polling station. This is the policy. The military has set up some places and we’re cooperating with them to provide security,” he said.

Mixed messages

Before October 16, when the UEC announced which parts of the country would not be able to hold elections, opinions about the security situation in Hlaingbwe were decidedly mixed.

Saw Chit Khin, the sitting speaker of the Karen state parliament, sent a letter to the UEC on October 12 urging it to remove seven village tracts in Amyotha Hluttaw constituency 9 and Hlaingbwe constituency 2 from the constituency lists.

Citing campaign constraints such as poor travel conditions and Covid-19 restrictions, as well as safety concerns related to the presence of armed groups, he called on the UEC to suspend voting in the designated areas.

Two days later, however, he revoked his request and apologized for his poor choice of words, saying that he should not have spoken of a “lack of safety due to armed groups stationed in the area.” 

“I was just thinking of how to ensure a smooth election for everyone. But some people didn’t like it, and some people misinterpreted it,” he told Myanmar Now.

For their part, candidates expressed surprise at the state parliament speaker’s concerns.

Saw Kyaw Lwin Oo, an independent candidate contesting in Hlaingbwe constituency 2, said he had some questions about the impact of Covid-19 restrictions, but was otherwise unconcerned.

He said he had already been on campaign trips to several of the village tracts mentioned in the letter, and saw nothing to worry about.

“I don’t know why the state parliament speaker would say that it’s unsafe. The armed groups welcome the election. It’s been a long time since we had any kind of conflict like before. There have been no disruptions during the campaign,” he said.

Zaw Nyunt, the chair of the Hlaingbwe township election sub-commission, agreed that Saw Chit Khin’s concerns were overstated. 

“It is true that transportation is difficult, but you can’t just leave a place out for that reason. It’s their right to vote,” he told Myanmar Now.

Ruling party vs. regional Karen party

A total of 16 candidates will contest four seats representing Hlaingbwe in the Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw and state parliament in the upcoming election. This includes candidates from the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the Karen National Democratic Party (KNDP), the Union Betterment Party (UBP), and two independents.

In 2010, the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party, a Karen party, won in every Hlaingbwe constituency where the election was held. In 2015, the NLD won all four seats.

The KNDP was formed by bringing together three ethnic Karen parties: the Karen Democratic Party, the Karen State Democracy and Development Party, and the United Karen National Democratic Party. It was registered in December 2017.

Currently, there are four Karen parties nationwide: the KNDP and the Phalon-Sawaw Democratic Party in Karen state, and the Karen National Party and the Karen People’s Party, based in Yangon.

On October 15, the fifth anniversary of its signing of the NCA, the KNU released a statement urging the Karen people to vote for Karen parties as part of a strategy to achieve national equality and self-determination.

In Hlaingbwe, the KNDP enjoys solid support, making it the most serious challenger to the NLD’s incumbent candidates.

“We have a lot of supporters. There’s a lot of hope that an ethnic party will win this time around,” said KNDP chair Man Aung Pyae Soe, who is running to represent Hlaingbwe constituency 2 in the state parliament.

First time voters in some village tracts are eager to vote but still lack awareness of the voting system, said Saw Kyaw Lwin Oo, an independent candidate.

In Saw Kae Doh’s village, villagers over the age of 70 are voting for the first time in their lives.

“This is the only time they’ve ever voted. They went in person to cast advance votes, and they were very enthusiastic about it. But of course, they don’t understand the system very well,” said Saw Kae Doh.

But in a township where many have been deprived of an opportunity to participate in the democratic process, this year’s election is likely to be a learning experience for everyone.

Hayman Pyae is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

The offensives come in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
A KIA soldier watches from an outpost in Kachin state in this undated file photo (Kachinwave) 

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) launched attacks against police bases in the jade mining region of Hpakant on Thursday morning, a local resident told Myanmar Now. 

The attacks targeted police battalions where soldiers were stationed near Nam Maw village in the Seik Muu village tract.

“There are Myanmar police battalions around Nam Maw,” a resident said. At least three bases were attacked, he added. 

A 41-year-old civilian in Seik Muu village injured his left hand during the clash, the Kachin-based Myitkyina News Journal reported.

The KIA has launched several offensives against the coup regime’s forces recently. Fighting has also been reported in Mogaung and Injangyang this month. 

Some 200 people fled the Injangyang villages of Gway Htaung and Tan Baung Yan on Monday after the KIA launched an offensive against the military there. 

The offenses began in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina. The KIA has warned the junta not to harm anti-coup protesters. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The coup regime’s forces took the injured people away and locals do not know their whereabouts 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Kalay residents move the body of a man who was shot dead on Wednesday (Supplied) 

Four young men were killed and five people were injured in the town of Kalay in Sagaing region on Wednesday as protesters continued their fight to topple the regime despite daily massacres across the country aimed at terrorizing them into submission. 

The Tahan Protest Group gathered in the town at around 10am and police and soldiers began shooting. One young man was shot dead on the spot as he tried to help people who were trapped amid gunfire, residents told Myanmar Now.   

The regime’s forces also shot at and chased fleeing protesters along roads and through narrow alleys, a resident said.

“The crowd of protesters dispersed but one person was shot dead while trying to rescue those trapped in the protest site,” the resident added. 

As the crowd dispersed, a man riding a motorcycle was shot outside a branch of KBZ Bank. “He also died,” the resident said. 

Despite the murders, protesters gathered again in the afternoon around 4pm. Police and soldiers started shooting again and killed two people. 

“They were shot dead while trying to set up barricades at the protest site. They were shot while trying to obstruct the army’s way as the army troops chased and shot the trapped protestors,” the resident said. 

The two who were killed in the morning were identified as Salai Kyong Lian Kye O, who was 25, and Kyin Khant Man, who was 27 and had three children. The identities of the other two have not yet been confirmed.

Five people were also injured and then taken away. Locals said they did not know where they had been taken.   

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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