‘Very few soldiers are happy in the Tatmadaw’ - Q&A with expelled major now vying for NLD candidacy 

Booted from army for supporting NLD charter amendment, ex-major Kyaw Swar Win wants to reform an ‘unjust, unequal’ military system

Published on Jun 23, 2020
Former major Kyaw Swar Win poses for a portrait after speaking with Myanmar Now in Mandalay region’s Singu Township on June 10, 2020. (Photo: Yan Moe Naing/ Myanmar Now)
Former major Kyaw Swar Win poses for a portrait after speaking with Myanmar Now in Mandalay region’s Singu Township on June 10, 2020. (Photo: Yan Moe Naing/ Myanmar Now)

In 2014, a court-martial stripped former Tatmadaw major Kyaw Swar Win of his rank and sentenced him to two years in prison for supporting an amendment to the country’s 2008 military-drafted constitution. 

The amendment targeted article 436, which itself makes amending the constitution virtually impossible without unanimous military support in parliament. It was sponsored by the then-opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. 

After his release in a July 2015 presidential pardon, Kyaw Swar Win tried running as an NLD candidate but missed the deadline to enter the race. He is trying again this year for a seat in the upper house. 

The incumbent NLD is yet to select candidates, but the 43-year-old former military engineer is hopeful. He’s happy to support the party even if he’s not chosen as a candidate, he told Myanmar Now, and he believes the military’s rank-and-file will too.

 

 

Myanmar Now interviewed Kyaw Swar Win earlier in June in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay region - the district he hopes to represent.

MN: What was the charge you faced after signing the petition in support of amending article 436 of the constitution?

 

 

KSW: Breach of military order, under section 41e of the 1959 Defence Services Act, which stipulates punishment for a soldier that “neglects to obey any general, local or other order.” … It doesn’t specify particular orders, just any orders in general that a soldier is expected to follow. [Kyaw Swar Win’s charge says he disobeyed an order to “safeguard the constitution.”] I was also charged under section 65. In the army, we call that amyinkat podma [arbitrary charge] - they can use it against you when they want to punish you. 

According to article 19 of the Constitution, civil servants must not associate with any political parties, and under article 20 the Tatmadaw must protect the Constitution. And for these two reasons, they charged me under section 65. 

But they couldn’t give me a sentence under section 65, so they added 41e. In short, when I was arrested, I wasn’t guilty of anything. They looked for possible crimes they could allege I had committed only after they’d arrested me. Regardless of what I’d done, they were determined to do what they wanted. 

Military courts sentence defendants to one year in prison if they plead guilty and to two years if they don’t. I pleaded guilty to not protecting the constitution by signing the petition. That’s okay, I accept the charge. And I also agreed that I, as a civil servant, associated with a political party. But I disagree that I neglected to obey a general order, so I didn’t plead guilty to that. I said no to that and chose to take two years.

MN: What do you think of the punishment?

KSW: All soldiers, upon joining the military, take an oath. A member of the armed forces shall abide by the Defence Services Act and all existing laws. The petition to amend article 436 was legal - it was a campaign led by a registered political party conducted with official permission. By signing it I  was within my rights as a citizen. I’d just like to ask them: Am I not allowed to hold my own beliefs? Do a citizen’s rights not apply to soldiers? A soldier must have freedom, for justice and for what’s right. They should be able to express what they believe without reprisal.

MN: How was your family affected?

KSW: They felt a lot of pressure, of course … The military interrogated my family, checked every move they made - even entered their homes. For three months they watched us and tracked where we went. They deployed guards to my home and watched who I associated with, who came to visit.

MN: Why the NLD?

KSW: I’ve been in contact with the party since my release. In 2015 I supported the NLD. All I want is a responsible government and an impartial justice system. I'll work with the NLD to make this happen. 

Currently, if a judge renders an unjust judgment - they aren’t held liable. They can appeal to a higher court and avoid punishment. But the average citizen suffers a great deal when an unjust judgement is rendered. 

I decided to join the NLD because I want to change a system in which people in power use their resources to serve their own interests.

MN: Now you’re hoping to run as an NLD candidate. What’s your plan if you are selected and, eventually, elected?

KSW: I want to push for fairness and equality within the Tatmadaw. I’ve just been to Madaya [near Mandalay], where I met with a former student of mine. He’s been serving for more than 10 years in the Tatmadaw. His parents told me he wants to resign, and they asked me if this was possible. 

When a cadet gets promoted to officer, he has to sign a bond saying he will serve in the Tatmadaw for at least 10 years. But after 10 years, an officer has every legal right to leave. In reality, however, they are denied this right. They’re not allowed to leave. Of course there are some who can because of their resources or connections. But if you don’t have these privileges you can’t go. Not everyone has equal access to this. The law is not enforced among lower-ranking soldiers. 

But that’s just one example. I was discriminated against and treated unequally so many times while serving in the Tatmadaw. That’s why I want to build a system within the military where the lower echelon of soldiers are not discriminated against, where they enjoy equal rights.

MN: What about outside of the military?

KSW: We were sent to Russia on scholarship, hoping this would help us build a nuclear power plant in Myanmar. That dream never came true. After the civilian government took power, that plan was deprioritized. 

I think it would be very good for the country’s development to have a nuclear power plant. Then we can turn Yangon and Mandalay into industrialized cities. The economy will improve and ethnic communities will migrate to cities to work, reducing armed groups in the borderlands. I believe this would help us build peace.

MN: Which laws would you change if elected?

KSW: It’s difficult to pick one. There are laws and bylaws, but it doesn’t matter how good they are when they can be overruled by a single directive. 

Take the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens, for example. It’s good but it’s not perfect. There are weak points. Instead of working on this, the attorney general’s office just issued a directive saying civilians can’t sue one another under it.

These directives shouldn’t overrule laws. When government ministries issue these directives - especially the military - they operate above the law, and it shouldn’t be this way. 

If someone in power wants to abolish a law they just issue a directive and it’s done. If they want to punish you but there’s no law they can justifiably use, a directive will do the job. So the power of these directives weakens parliament. We all need to come up with legal ways to control this.

MN: How are you viewing the upcoming elections?

KSW: There is only one goal for the 2020 elections. That is to form a government that represents the country. The NLD needs to win more than 67% of the electorate to form a government. If that doesn’t happen, they won’t achieve their goals.

MN: Can you tell us about your experience with the voting process from within the military?

KSW: I only voted [while enlisted] in 2010, so I can’t say much about how it is now. There was advance voting in 2010. I won’t say much more because I don’t want to be jailed again. I’ll just stress that it’s a good thing they’ve moved military polling out of the barracks and into civilian stations. 

NLD passes law requiring soldiers to vote at civilian polling stations

MN: Why is that?

KSW: If soldiers can vote outside the barracks, they’re freer to vote for the party they choose. You don’t need a fortune teller to predict that the majority of these votes will go to the NLD. But I want to warn everyone that we need to pay attention to how advance voting … is monitored. These voters need to be properly verified by poll workers. Carelessness by poll workers could make the process go seriously wrong.

MN: Why do you assume most soldiers will vote for the NLD if given a free choice?

KSW: Because they can’t take the pressures anymore. Frankly, very few soldiers are happy. Very few want to stay in the Tatmadaw. A lot of them want to leave. So just because they’re discontented with the military, they’ll vote for the NLD. Not the top brass, but the lower ranks support the NLD. The more they’re discriminated against, the more they will support the NLD. 

I know how the soldiers at the bottom suffer because I was one of them. Many of them know things are not right, but they have to follow orders regardless. An order is an order whether it’s right or wrong. Truth and fairness do not matter. 

There’s something that Bogyoke [or “General,” nickname of independence hero general Aung San] said. He once told his soldiers that if they think an order is unjust, they should complain to an officer more superior than the one who gave the order. Maybe this was possible during Bogyoke’s times, but not now. No soldier can bypass his or her immediate commander in the Tatmadaw today.

Khin Hnin Wai is Myanmar Now reporter based in Mandalay

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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