‘Very few soldiers are happy in the Tatmadaw’ - Q&A with expelled major now vying for NLD candidacy 

Booted from army for supporting NLD charter amendment, ex-major Kyaw Swar Win wants to reform an ‘unjust, unequal’ military system

Former major Kyaw Swar Win poses for a portrait after speaking with Myanmar Now in Mandalay region’s Singu Township on June 10, 2020. (Photo: Yan Moe Naing/ Myanmar Now)

In 2014, a court-martial stripped former Tatmadaw major Kyaw Swar Win of his rank and sentenced him to two years in prison for supporting an amendment to the country’s 2008 military-drafted constitution. 

The amendment targeted article 436, which itself makes amending the constitution virtually impossible without unanimous military support in parliament. It was sponsored by the then-opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. 

After his release in a July 2015 presidential pardon, Kyaw Swar Win tried running as an NLD candidate but missed the deadline to enter the race. He is trying again this year for a seat in the upper house. 

The incumbent NLD is yet to select candidates, but the 43-year-old former military engineer is hopeful. He’s happy to support the party even if he’s not chosen as a candidate, he told Myanmar Now, and he believes the military’s rank-and-file will too.

 

 

Myanmar Now interviewed Kyaw Swar Win earlier in June in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay region - the district he hopes to represent.

MN: What was the charge you faced after signing the petition in support of amending article 436 of the constitution?

 

 

KSW: Breach of military order, under section 41e of the 1959 Defence Services Act, which stipulates punishment for a soldier that “neglects to obey any general, local or other order.” … It doesn’t specify particular orders, just any orders in general that a soldier is expected to follow. [Kyaw Swar Win’s charge says he disobeyed an order to “safeguard the constitution.”] I was also charged under section 65. In the army, we call that amyinkat podma [arbitrary charge] - they can use it against you when they want to punish you. 

According to article 19 of the Constitution, civil servants must not associate with any political parties, and under article 20 the Tatmadaw must protect the Constitution. And for these two reasons, they charged me under section 65. 

But they couldn’t give me a sentence under section 65, so they added 41e. In short, when I was arrested, I wasn’t guilty of anything. They looked for possible crimes they could allege I had committed only after they’d arrested me. Regardless of what I’d done, they were determined to do what they wanted. 

Military courts sentence defendants to one year in prison if they plead guilty and to two years if they don’t. I pleaded guilty to not protecting the constitution by signing the petition. That’s okay, I accept the charge. And I also agreed that I, as a civil servant, associated with a political party. But I disagree that I neglected to obey a general order, so I didn’t plead guilty to that. I said no to that and chose to take two years.

MN: What do you think of the punishment?

KSW: All soldiers, upon joining the military, take an oath. A member of the armed forces shall abide by the Defence Services Act and all existing laws. The petition to amend article 436 was legal - it was a campaign led by a registered political party conducted with official permission. By signing it I  was within my rights as a citizen. I’d just like to ask them: Am I not allowed to hold my own beliefs? Do a citizen’s rights not apply to soldiers? A soldier must have freedom, for justice and for what’s right. They should be able to express what they believe without reprisal.

MN: How was your family affected?

KSW: They felt a lot of pressure, of course … The military interrogated my family, checked every move they made - even entered their homes. For three months they watched us and tracked where we went. They deployed guards to my home and watched who I associated with, who came to visit.

MN: Why the NLD?

KSW: I’ve been in contact with the party since my release. In 2015 I supported the NLD. All I want is a responsible government and an impartial justice system. I'll work with the NLD to make this happen. 

Currently, if a judge renders an unjust judgment - they aren’t held liable. They can appeal to a higher court and avoid punishment. But the average citizen suffers a great deal when an unjust judgement is rendered. 

I decided to join the NLD because I want to change a system in which people in power use their resources to serve their own interests.

MN: Now you’re hoping to run as an NLD candidate. What’s your plan if you are selected and, eventually, elected?

KSW: I want to push for fairness and equality within the Tatmadaw. I’ve just been to Madaya [near Mandalay], where I met with a former student of mine. He’s been serving for more than 10 years in the Tatmadaw. His parents told me he wants to resign, and they asked me if this was possible. 

When a cadet gets promoted to officer, he has to sign a bond saying he will serve in the Tatmadaw for at least 10 years. But after 10 years, an officer has every legal right to leave. In reality, however, they are denied this right. They’re not allowed to leave. Of course there are some who can because of their resources or connections. But if you don’t have these privileges you can’t go. Not everyone has equal access to this. The law is not enforced among lower-ranking soldiers. 

But that’s just one example. I was discriminated against and treated unequally so many times while serving in the Tatmadaw. That’s why I want to build a system within the military where the lower echelon of soldiers are not discriminated against, where they enjoy equal rights.

MN: What about outside of the military?

KSW: We were sent to Russia on scholarship, hoping this would help us build a nuclear power plant in Myanmar. That dream never came true. After the civilian government took power, that plan was deprioritized. 

I think it would be very good for the country’s development to have a nuclear power plant. Then we can turn Yangon and Mandalay into industrialized cities. The economy will improve and ethnic communities will migrate to cities to work, reducing armed groups in the borderlands. I believe this would help us build peace.

MN: Which laws would you change if elected?

KSW: It’s difficult to pick one. There are laws and bylaws, but it doesn’t matter how good they are when they can be overruled by a single directive. 

Take the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens, for example. It’s good but it’s not perfect. There are weak points. Instead of working on this, the attorney general’s office just issued a directive saying civilians can’t sue one another under it.

These directives shouldn’t overrule laws. When government ministries issue these directives - especially the military - they operate above the law, and it shouldn’t be this way. 

If someone in power wants to abolish a law they just issue a directive and it’s done. If they want to punish you but there’s no law they can justifiably use, a directive will do the job. So the power of these directives weakens parliament. We all need to come up with legal ways to control this.

MN: How are you viewing the upcoming elections?

KSW: There is only one goal for the 2020 elections. That is to form a government that represents the country. The NLD needs to win more than 67% of the electorate to form a government. If that doesn’t happen, they won’t achieve their goals.

MN: Can you tell us about your experience with the voting process from within the military?

KSW: I only voted [while enlisted] in 2010, so I can’t say much about how it is now. There was advance voting in 2010. I won’t say much more because I don’t want to be jailed again. I’ll just stress that it’s a good thing they’ve moved military polling out of the barracks and into civilian stations. 

NLD passes law requiring soldiers to vote at civilian polling stations

MN: Why is that?

KSW: If soldiers can vote outside the barracks, they’re freer to vote for the party they choose. You don’t need a fortune teller to predict that the majority of these votes will go to the NLD. But I want to warn everyone that we need to pay attention to how advance voting … is monitored. These voters need to be properly verified by poll workers. Carelessness by poll workers could make the process go seriously wrong.

MN: Why do you assume most soldiers will vote for the NLD if given a free choice?

KSW: Because they can’t take the pressures anymore. Frankly, very few soldiers are happy. Very few want to stay in the Tatmadaw. A lot of them want to leave. So just because they’re discontented with the military, they’ll vote for the NLD. Not the top brass, but the lower ranks support the NLD. The more they’re discriminated against, the more they will support the NLD. 

I know how the soldiers at the bottom suffer because I was one of them. Many of them know things are not right, but they have to follow orders regardless. An order is an order whether it’s right or wrong. Truth and fairness do not matter. 

There’s something that Bogyoke [or “General,” nickname of independence hero general Aung San] said. He once told his soldiers that if they think an order is unjust, they should complain to an officer more superior than the one who gave the order. Maybe this was possible during Bogyoke’s times, but not now. No soldier can bypass his or her immediate commander in the Tatmadaw today.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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