USDP candidates send blitz of letters demanding release of voter lists

The move is the latest salvo in the military proxy party’s ongoing effort to challenge the legitimacy of last year’s election

Published on Jan 23, 2021
USDP supporters take part in a campaign event in Yangon region’s Seikgyi Kha Naung To township on November 6, 2020. (Photo: Sai Zaw / Myanmar Now)
USDP supporters take part in a campaign event in Yangon region’s Seikgyi Kha Naung To township on November 6, 2020. (Photo: Sai Zaw / Myanmar Now)

In the second week of January, some 200 candidates from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) sent letters to township election officials across the country demanding the release of voter lists.

Nay Thu Yein, chairman of the Nay Thu Yein Law firm, told Myanmar Now that nearly 200 USDP candidates had sent letters to townships where they had lost their bids for seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw and Amyotha Hluttaw.

Khin Maung Win, chair of Yangon’s western district election sub-commission, said he had received letters from USDP candidates running in nine townships.

He said the letters had been forwarded to the regional election commission, but added it was unlikely it would release the lists, as it was not within its authority to do so.

 

 

“Our responsibility is just to report to the powers that be. No one will give the voter lists,” he said, adding that even at the Union level, election officials are not authorized to release voter data.

District-level election commission officials have confirmed that township commission offices in the northern, southern and eastern districts have received the letters.  

 

 

A letter from USDP candidate Myo Thein, who ran in Yangon’s Kyauktada township, demanded the release of the voter list within three days of receiving notice. 

“If the relevant commissions do not comply, they will be prosecuted under the existing law on civil rights charges in order to obtain truth and justice in accordance with the desire of Myo Thein (also known as Mya Thein),” the letter read. 

Section 15(b) of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law states that township election commissions may allow candidates to copy the voter list free of charge if they apply to do so. 

However, officials from Union Election Commission (UEC) sub-commissions interviewed by Myanmar Now said that copies of the second revised voter list for the 2020 election had already been given to candidates before polling day in response to demands from civil society groups and the candidates themselves. They said the commission had no obligation to issue the voter lists again after the election.

“We already gave the voter lists at polling stations on the day of the election. The final list has never been requested before. We have no right to give it,” said Hnit San Oo, the secretary of the northern Shan state election sub-commission. 

He explained that the final voter lists were counted in front of each party’s polling station representatives, polling station heads, and other officials. These final voter lists were later sealed with other election documents for record-keeping.

“It has been counted and sealed in front of the authorities, so it can only be reopened again in front of all members if the constitutional tribunal orders it,” he said.

Hnit San Oo explained that a tribunal order would only be issued if it became necessary to re-examine the documents in the context of an election objection lawsuit or another electoral dispute.  

Thein Swe, the chair of the Kyeemyindaing township election sub-commission in Yangon, said that before the polling day, the voter lists were put on a CD and given to candidates free of charge. 

“I told them to take photos of Form 19 [the final voter list used on polling day]. That’s where they will find the data they are asking for. They had their representatives at the polling stations. If they had protested at the time, any issues would have been solved immediately,” he said.

A law firm representing the USDP candidates said it would file a petition to the Union Supreme Court to compel the UEC sub-commissions to release the voter lists. 

“As there is no response to the notice, we are now preparing for lawsuits to issue writs of mandamus,” said lawyer Aung Thurein Tun, referring to court orders requiring public officials to perform their duties.   

Myo Win Kyaw, the USDP candidate for Tamwe township’s seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw, said that some USDP candidates are also consulting with their own lawyers. 

Tamwe’s election sub-commission sent a letter to Myo Win Kyaw on January 14 stating that election documents used at the polling station, including the voter list, had been sealed and stored in storerooms at the township sub-commission offices.

Myo Win Kyaw, who previously ran in a by-election held in 2018, claimed that at the time, he had no trouble obtaining the voter list even after the election was held.

“I submitted an application to copy the voter list in 2018. It was issued after the election,” he said.

Thein Paing, who served as chair of the Tamwe township election sub-commission in 2018, said that Myo Win Kyaw was mistaken.

He told Myanmar Now that copies of the final voter list were given to candidates before the day of the by-election, but not after.

“If I were the current chair of the commission, I would sue him for insulting my reputation,” he said of Myo Win Kyaw’s accusation that the current chair was not properly performing his duties.

Dr. Nanda Hla Myint, a spokesperson for the USDP, declined to comment on the situation, saying only that the letters may have been sent on the advice of the party’s legal aid committee.

In an article published in the state-run Myanma Ahlin on January 15, UEC member Myint Naing wrote that no court has the right to investigate the decisions of the commission and its various sub-commissions, or the election tribunal. 

Mya Nandar Thin, the director of the New Myanmar Foundation, which monitors elections in the country, said that trust would be achieved only when all stakeholders work together to address electoral issues.

“Everyone has to sit down and ask what happened. We have to work together to find out what the real problem is. In this way, we will have a positive solution on how to prepare for the next election,” she told Myanmar Now.

The letters are just the latest salvo in the USDP’s ongoing effort to challenge the legitimacy of the November 8 election, which the ruling National League for Democracy won by a landslide. 

Together with 19 allied political parties, the USDP sent an open letter to the president on November 25 calling for the UEC to be prosecuted for electoral fraud and unfair practices.  

On December 6, it sent a letter to the UEC calling for it to transparently account for mistakes in the voter list and alleged ballot inflation.

Also in early December, the military asked the relevant sub-commissions for permission to copy election documents as part of an investigation into voting at military polling stations. 

However, in a statement issued on December 7, the UEC rejected the request, saying that it was not in line with the law.

The military has released reviews of its own voter lists a total of 22 times until now.

Kyaw Lin Htoon is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

Continue Reading

A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading