USDP candidates send blitz of letters demanding release of voter lists

The move is the latest salvo in the military proxy party’s ongoing effort to challenge the legitimacy of last year’s election

USDP supporters take part in a campaign event in Yangon region’s Seikgyi Kha Naung To township on November 6, 2020. (Photo: Sai Zaw / Myanmar Now)

In the second week of January, some 200 candidates from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) sent letters to township election officials across the country demanding the release of voter lists.

Nay Thu Yein, chairman of the Nay Thu Yein Law firm, told Myanmar Now that nearly 200 USDP candidates had sent letters to townships where they had lost their bids for seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw and Amyotha Hluttaw.

Khin Maung Win, chair of Yangon’s western district election sub-commission, said he had received letters from USDP candidates running in nine townships.

He said the letters had been forwarded to the regional election commission, but added it was unlikely it would release the lists, as it was not within its authority to do so.

 

 

“Our responsibility is just to report to the powers that be. No one will give the voter lists,” he said, adding that even at the Union level, election officials are not authorized to release voter data.

District-level election commission officials have confirmed that township commission offices in the northern, southern and eastern districts have received the letters.  

 

 

A letter from USDP candidate Myo Thein, who ran in Yangon’s Kyauktada township, demanded the release of the voter list within three days of receiving notice. 

“If the relevant commissions do not comply, they will be prosecuted under the existing law on civil rights charges in order to obtain truth and justice in accordance with the desire of Myo Thein (also known as Mya Thein),” the letter read. 

Section 15(b) of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law states that township election commissions may allow candidates to copy the voter list free of charge if they apply to do so. 

However, officials from Union Election Commission (UEC) sub-commissions interviewed by Myanmar Now said that copies of the second revised voter list for the 2020 election had already been given to candidates before polling day in response to demands from civil society groups and the candidates themselves. They said the commission had no obligation to issue the voter lists again after the election.

“We already gave the voter lists at polling stations on the day of the election. The final list has never been requested before. We have no right to give it,” said Hnit San Oo, the secretary of the northern Shan state election sub-commission. 

He explained that the final voter lists were counted in front of each party’s polling station representatives, polling station heads, and other officials. These final voter lists were later sealed with other election documents for record-keeping.

“It has been counted and sealed in front of the authorities, so it can only be reopened again in front of all members if the constitutional tribunal orders it,” he said.

Hnit San Oo explained that a tribunal order would only be issued if it became necessary to re-examine the documents in the context of an election objection lawsuit or another electoral dispute.  

Thein Swe, the chair of the Kyeemyindaing township election sub-commission in Yangon, said that before the polling day, the voter lists were put on a CD and given to candidates free of charge. 

“I told them to take photos of Form 19 [the final voter list used on polling day]. That’s where they will find the data they are asking for. They had their representatives at the polling stations. If they had protested at the time, any issues would have been solved immediately,” he said.

A law firm representing the USDP candidates said it would file a petition to the Union Supreme Court to compel the UEC sub-commissions to release the voter lists. 

“As there is no response to the notice, we are now preparing for lawsuits to issue writs of mandamus,” said lawyer Aung Thurein Tun, referring to court orders requiring public officials to perform their duties.   

Myo Win Kyaw, the USDP candidate for Tamwe township’s seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw, said that some USDP candidates are also consulting with their own lawyers. 

Tamwe’s election sub-commission sent a letter to Myo Win Kyaw on January 14 stating that election documents used at the polling station, including the voter list, had been sealed and stored in storerooms at the township sub-commission offices.

Myo Win Kyaw, who previously ran in a by-election held in 2018, claimed that at the time, he had no trouble obtaining the voter list even after the election was held.

“I submitted an application to copy the voter list in 2018. It was issued after the election,” he said.

Thein Paing, who served as chair of the Tamwe township election sub-commission in 2018, said that Myo Win Kyaw was mistaken.

He told Myanmar Now that copies of the final voter list were given to candidates before the day of the by-election, but not after.

“If I were the current chair of the commission, I would sue him for insulting my reputation,” he said of Myo Win Kyaw’s accusation that the current chair was not properly performing his duties.

Dr. Nanda Hla Myint, a spokesperson for the USDP, declined to comment on the situation, saying only that the letters may have been sent on the advice of the party’s legal aid committee.

In an article published in the state-run Myanma Ahlin on January 15, UEC member Myint Naing wrote that no court has the right to investigate the decisions of the commission and its various sub-commissions, or the election tribunal. 

Mya Nandar Thin, the director of the New Myanmar Foundation, which monitors elections in the country, said that trust would be achieved only when all stakeholders work together to address electoral issues.

“Everyone has to sit down and ask what happened. We have to work together to find out what the real problem is. In this way, we will have a positive solution on how to prepare for the next election,” she told Myanmar Now.

The letters are just the latest salvo in the USDP’s ongoing effort to challenge the legitimacy of the November 8 election, which the ruling National League for Democracy won by a landslide. 

Together with 19 allied political parties, the USDP sent an open letter to the president on November 25 calling for the UEC to be prosecuted for electoral fraud and unfair practices.  

On December 6, it sent a letter to the UEC calling for it to transparently account for mistakes in the voter list and alleged ballot inflation.

Also in early December, the military asked the relevant sub-commissions for permission to copy election documents as part of an investigation into voting at military polling stations. 

However, in a statement issued on December 7, the UEC rejected the request, saying that it was not in line with the law.

The military has released reviews of its own voter lists a total of 22 times until now.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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