UN Expert Calls for EU Investigation Into Austrian Firm That Sold Drones to Myanmar

Schiebel and Austrian government say sale did not breach EU arms embargo, but experts and activists say that is questionable.

Published on Aug 10, 2019
Published on Aug 10, 2019
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing looks at a Camcopter S-100, which is an unmanned aerial vehicle, at a Schiebel's booth during an international aircraft show (Photo: Myanmar Navypower Facebook)
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing looks at a Camcopter S-100, which is an unmanned aerial vehicle, at a Schiebel's booth during an international aircraft show (Photo: Myanmar Navypower Facebook)

YANGON/VIENNA - A UN expert has called on the European Union and Austrian authorities to investigate whether a Vienna-based company violated an arms embargo by selling drones to Myanmar.   

Christopher Sidoti, a member of the UN fact-finding mission on Myanmar, made the call after government documents showed Myanmar’s military-run Defence Ministry requested millions of US dollars to buy the aircraft.

The company, Schiebel, denies the Myanmar military is its client and refuses to give further details about its customer citing “confidentiality agreements”. 

But footage from a military-run TV station showed the drones landing on Myanmar Navy ships in late 2018. 

And Sidoti said the fact the company’s Camcopter S-100 drones are mentioned in a Defence Ministry budget “raises questions” about its claim they were sold only for non-military use. 

The EU and Austria have a responsibility to probe the sale, he added: “We very much hope they will act on it.”

Myanmar’s Defence Ministry proposed a downpayment of 27 billion kyat, roughly $18m, for a batch of the drones in a budget for the financial year starting October 2018.

The payment was 30% of the total cost of the sale, meaning the ministry’s planned outlay for the drones was roughly $60m. 

Shiebel said that the drones were sold for “the modernisation of the country's infrastructure and transport system as well as for monitoring and mapping in mining and road construction.”

The buyer of the drones has an obligation to only use them for their stated purpose, the company added. 

But one analyst said the company’s explanation of the sale was questionable.

“I find it difficult to classify it as dual-use,” said Pieter Wezeman, an expert on military expenditure and arms procurement at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). “For me it is military. But that's a matter of interpretation.” 

He added: "I find it really remarkable that such an export was allowed by the Austrian authorities. That should be investigated."

Each Camcopter S-100 costs $400,000, but the cost for an entire system including control stations and training for operators is about $2m. It is therefore unclear exactly how many individual drones the military procured.

Unveiled by Navy

The Myanmar Navy revealed it had acquired the drones on its 71st anniversary in December 2018, when a video aired on the military-owned Myawaddy TV channel showing one of the drones landing on an ‘Aungzaya’ frigate. 

Military spokesperson Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun told Myanmar Now that the camcopters were purchased about a year ago. The vehicles are not weaponised and are being used in surveillance, as well as navy research, he said. 

The drones are over three meters long and can fly for up to six hours, with Shiebel boasting that they can operate day or night and in bad weather. 

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing travelled to Austria in 2017 and visited the premises of the Diamond Aircraft Industry company, which sells military aircraft, according to state media. Shiebel said none of its employees were present during the Senior General’s trip. 

Sidoti’s fact-finding mission on Monday named Shiebel alongside dozens of other companies in a report detailing how foreign and local businesses have enabled the Myanmar military to commit what it described as “brutal” human rights abuses. 

The military has not responded to the report but the foreign ministry said it “categorically rejects the latest report and its conclusions.” 

Shiebel said that it sold the drones to Myanmar before the European Union tightened its arms embargo against the country in April 2018.

The UN report, referring to EU restrictions that have been in place since 2008, noted that even goods that have a civilian use are still banned by the embargo if there “are serious grounds for believing that their end-user will be the armed forces.”

In the case of Shiebel and others, the report said it was “clear” that the end-user would be the Tatmadaw because the company’s products were listed in a Ministry of Defence budget.  

Myanmar Now asked Shiebel to provide evidence that the sale was completed before April 2018. It also asked for more details about the purchase mentioned in the budget proposal, which covers spending from October 2018 and so appears to show a sale made after the embargo was tightened. 

Shiebel declined those requests, citing confidentiality agreements.

Wezeman, the arms sales expert, said that even before the embargo was tightened there were export restrictions that under certain circumstances could have applied to the Camcopter S-100. 

EU rejection

A US-based rights group, the Kachin Alliance, has also called on the EU to probe the sale. “We strongly urge the EU to immediately investigate Shiebel’s sale of Camcopter S-100s to Myanmar,” the group said in a statement. 

It added that there was strong evidence the Myanmar military had used drones during fighting in Kachin state and there was an “imminent risk” of Shiebel’s aircraft being used to escalate military campaigns.

The EU delegation in Myanmar told Myanmar Now it was not the bloc’s responsibility to investigate Shiebel.

“Export licensing falls under the Member States' own competence, which means it is Austria that needs to take steps to investigate the issue,” a spokesperson said. 

Used in Yemen and Libya 

The camcopters can be used in search and rescue missions, damage assessments after disasters, and to monitor pollution and oil spills. 

But a 2008 report by defensereview.com indicated they can also be fitted with missiles, though there are no known examples of the drones being weaponised this way in a conflict zone. 

Shiebel has said this 2008 instance was a mock-up by a third party company, France’s Thales, and that Shiebel never had any intention for the craft to be fitted with missiles, adding that the drone cannot be armed. 

Military uses for the drone include surveillance of targets and, with its loudspeakers and leaflet-dropping container, psychological operations. 

Shiebel has sold the drones to a number of authoritarian governments including China and they have been used in conflict-zones including Libya and Yemen.

The Austrian Ministry for Digital and Economic Affairs refused to disclose information about export licenses granted to Schiebel, citing privacy laws. 

“We would like to point out that Austrian procedural and licensing practice in the field of export control complies with the requirements of the European Union and the applicable international legal provisions,” the ministry said. 

Shiebel’s statement to Myanmar Now said: “As an internationally operating and globally successful company, Schiebel supplies customers all around the world based on applicable regulations. The Myanmar military is not one of our customers and no products have been sold to them.

“In the context of the modernization of Myanmar’s infrastructure and traffic system, Schiebel has exported Camcopter S-100 to Myanmar in the past. The export took place before the EU embargo was imposed and it fully complied with all national and international regulations. The usage is determined according to the specifications of the end user certificate.”

It added that “due to confidentiality agreements we are not able to disclose any further customer information or contract details.”

(This report is a collaboration between Myanmar Now and the Austrian weekly magazine Profil)

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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