Tiny Khumi party fights uphill battle to claim a place in Paletwa’s political landscape

The Khumi may be in the majority in southern Chin State’s Paletwa township, but that won’t be any guarantee of success as the Khumi National Party takes on the Goliaths of Myanmar’s national politics.

Paletwa, seen from the Kaladan River in February 2020 (Kyaw Lin Htoon/Myanmar Now)

Paletwa township in southern Chin state is one of the most inaccessible regions in all of Myanmar. Remote and underdeveloped, it is also a battleground in the fierce conflict between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw. But like the rest of the country, it will soon witness another struggle for power: the November 8 election.

With around 30,000 eligible voters, two seats in the Chin state parliament, another two in the Amyotha Hluttaw, or upper house of the Union parliament, and one more in the Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house, Paletwa is not an especially big prize for any of Myanmar’s major political parties. But for one party, winning any of these seats would count as an unprecedented victory.

The Khumi National Party (KNP), with just 3,000 members at the time of its registration for this year’s election, is up against some very stiff competition in Paletwa. Besides the big two—the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—the party will also have to go head to head with the Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD), the thousand-candidate-strong United Democratic Party (UDP), and the Ethnic National Development Party (ENDP), based in Matupi.

Founded in 2014 by a 16-member executive committee, the KNP is the sole ethno-regional party in Paletwa. Its chair, Luth Kyaw Htun, won the Pyithu Hluttaw seat for Paletwa township in the 1990 election as an NLD candidate. In the 2010 election, he ran unsuccessfully as a candidate for the National Democratic Force (NDF). In 2015, he lost again, this time representing the KNP.

 

 

This year, the party will field candidates in three contests: constituencies 7 and 8 in the Amyotha Hluttaw and constituency 2 in the state parliament. Luth Kyaw Htun will be contesting in constituency 8, while Luth Kan Lin will be the party’s candidate in constituency 7 and Luth Aung Ba will make a bid for the state parliament seat.

 

 

At present, however, only the party chair is in Paletwa, even though the official campaign period has already begun. The other two candidates, Luth Aung Ba and Luth Kan Lin, have been kept away from the region they hope to represent by transport difficulties and the ongoing conflict.

Khumi leaders freely governed their respective areas of Paletwa for centuries. When the British invaded the region, they fought them off with any weapon they could lay their hands on. However, when they no longer had the numbers to put up much of a resistance, they became the first tribe in the Chin Hills to sign a peace treaty with the foreign power that came to rule over the entire country.

Under the British, Paletwa was administered as the Arakan Hill District. Currently, it is a township in Chin state’s Matupi district.

According to the General Administration Department’s figures for 2019, Paletwa has a population of more than 100,000 people, of whom about 90,000 are of Khumi descent. Ethnic Rakhine are the second-largest group, and there are also a number of other, smaller ethnic groups.

Reaching KNP chair Kyaw Htun for comment is no easy matter, in part because Paletwa is so difficult to access. The 75-year-old leader could not be contacted by phone because his hearing aid was not working properly. Family members told Myanmar Now that a replacement had been ordered, but hadn’t arrived yet because the 135-mile dirt road connecting Paletwa to Matupi was closed, as it often is.

Poor road conditions mean that there is no bus service between Paletwa and Matupi during the monsoon season. Private bikes or cars can be rented for emergencies, but tend to be expensive. Erosion routinely washes out sections of the road, and it’s not uncommon for vehicles to get stuck in the mud. Even when the weather is fine, the road can be closed for weeks due to fighting between Sami town and Paletwa.

There is another, shorter road to Paletwa, but it, too, is unreliable. Kyauktaw in Rakhine state is just 33 miles away, and the road connecting it to Paletwa is covered with gravel, but the government halted work on it in early 2019 due to frequent clashes in the area.

That leaves only water transportation. Travel by boat has not been banned, but for the past eight months, fighting has also made navigating the local waterways too dangerous for most.

All of this has made life in Paletwa harder than almost anywhere else in Myanmar. Local people have been deprived of access to healthcare and education, and the cost of necessities such as rice, oil, medicine and gas has risen dramatically.

Under such dire conditions, it is difficult to maintain even the most basic services, much less hold an election. And with Covid-19 restrictions still in place, candidates on the campaign trail face even greater challenges than usual.

Amidst the chaos of the pandemic and an armed conflict that shows no signs of easing, locals say election-related ventures have yet to get off the ground.

“What we need most right now is support and strength among our brothers. And, of course, medicine and rations,” said the KNP’s Luth Aung Ba.

Fellow KNP candidate Luth Kan Lin also places great value in fraternal solidarity. But although it was his brother, KNP party chairman Luth Kyaw Htun, who encouraged him to enter politics, he is also a great believer in self-reliance.

“I felt that I would need to be a bit financially stable to do politics. So I even went to Danai to do some mining,” he recounted of his previous run for public office during the 2015 election.

But even his brother’s support and his strong desire to serve his fellow Khumi people were not enough to deliver success at the ballot box.

Once he had made enough to finance his campaign, he returned to Paletwa to try to make his mark as a newly minted politician, but to no avail. “I was called a boss at the mine, but when I got back, I lost at least 40 lakhs,” the retired auditor said, laughing.

The KNP’s manifesto states that the party strives for the lasting prosperity of the region and the preservation of the Khumi and other ethnic cultures. The party says it aims to reduce poverty and create job opportunities, and also that it firmly believes in the importance of achieving self-administration to raise the social and economic well-being of the Khumi people.

However, when asked about strategies for winning the election, neither candidate could give a clear answer.

One problem is money. The party does not have anything like the level of funding that its rivals enjoy. The central executive committee has decided to pool its modest resources to meet campaign expenses.

Pandemic restrictions are also a hurdle. However, with Covid-19 in the picture, not being able to travel to all the villages within the township has largely eliminated the cost of canvassing for votes, said 70-year-old Luth Kan Lin.

Currently living in Matupi city, Luth Kan Lin says he awaits an opportunity to return to Paletwa. Luth Aung Ba, who is still in Yangon’s Hmawbi township even as election day fast approaches, says he hopes to get back to Paletwa by the middle of October.

The upcoming election will be the first for the 58-year-old Luth Aung Ba, whose work experience has mostly been in the hospitality field and as a sailor. In 2016, he retired and joined the party in his hometown.

At the time, the KNP chair told him that he should take advantage of the fact that he is a resident of Myanmar’s largest metropolis to attend classes on politics.

“When they asked me if I wanted to take more classes, I jokingly said no, I’ve already learned everything I need to know. So they told me it was time for me to run in the election,” Luth Aung Ba said, laughing.

The Khumi party is hoping to reach out to constituents by distributing pamphlets and sharing DVDs of the chair addressing the public. So far, however, they have not started any form of campaigning.

Luth Kan Lin said they had not received any information about how or even whether the election would be conducted.

“We don’t know if the election is still happening or not. And we don’t know if they’ve negotiated with the military for security,” he said.

The Paletwa township election commission chair, San Thar Kyaw, was not able to shed much light on the situation when contacted by Myanmar Now.

“If the Union Election Commission says there will be an election, then we’ll have an election. The most important thing is safety. Everything will run smoothly if safety is guaranteed,” he said.

But with even office supplies hard to find—“We’ll have to borrow what we need from other governmental departments,” said San Thar Kyaw—and no access to the internet, ensuring that the road to democracy in Paletwa is a smooth one will not be easy.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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