Tiny Khumi party fights uphill battle to claim a place in Paletwa’s political landscape

The Khumi may be in the majority in southern Chin State’s Paletwa township, but that won’t be any guarantee of success as the Khumi National Party takes on the Goliaths of Myanmar’s national politics.

Paletwa, seen from the Kaladan River in February 2020 (Kyaw Lin Htoon/Myanmar Now)

Paletwa township in southern Chin state is one of the most inaccessible regions in all of Myanmar. Remote and underdeveloped, it is also a battleground in the fierce conflict between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw. But like the rest of the country, it will soon witness another struggle for power: the November 8 election.

With around 30,000 eligible voters, two seats in the Chin state parliament, another two in the Amyotha Hluttaw, or upper house of the Union parliament, and one more in the Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house, Paletwa is not an especially big prize for any of Myanmar’s major political parties. But for one party, winning any of these seats would count as an unprecedented victory.

The Khumi National Party (KNP), with just 3,000 members at the time of its registration for this year’s election, is up against some very stiff competition in Paletwa. Besides the big two—the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—the party will also have to go head to head with the Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD), the thousand-candidate-strong United Democratic Party (UDP), and the Ethnic National Development Party (ENDP), based in Matupi.

Founded in 2014 by a 16-member executive committee, the KNP is the sole ethno-regional party in Paletwa. Its chair, Luth Kyaw Htun, won the Pyithu Hluttaw seat for Paletwa township in the 1990 election as an NLD candidate. In the 2010 election, he ran unsuccessfully as a candidate for the National Democratic Force (NDF). In 2015, he lost again, this time representing the KNP.

 

 

This year, the party will field candidates in three contests: constituencies 7 and 8 in the Amyotha Hluttaw and constituency 2 in the state parliament. Luth Kyaw Htun will be contesting in constituency 8, while Luth Kan Lin will be the party’s candidate in constituency 7 and Luth Aung Ba will make a bid for the state parliament seat.

 

 

At present, however, only the party chair is in Paletwa, even though the official campaign period has already begun. The other two candidates, Luth Aung Ba and Luth Kan Lin, have been kept away from the region they hope to represent by transport difficulties and the ongoing conflict.

Khumi leaders freely governed their respective areas of Paletwa for centuries. When the British invaded the region, they fought them off with any weapon they could lay their hands on. However, when they no longer had the numbers to put up much of a resistance, they became the first tribe in the Chin Hills to sign a peace treaty with the foreign power that came to rule over the entire country.

Under the British, Paletwa was administered as the Arakan Hill District. Currently, it is a township in Chin state’s Matupi district.

According to the General Administration Department’s figures for 2019, Paletwa has a population of more than 100,000 people, of whom about 90,000 are of Khumi descent. Ethnic Rakhine are the second-largest group, and there are also a number of other, smaller ethnic groups.

Reaching KNP chair Kyaw Htun for comment is no easy matter, in part because Paletwa is so difficult to access. The 75-year-old leader could not be contacted by phone because his hearing aid was not working properly. Family members told Myanmar Now that a replacement had been ordered, but hadn’t arrived yet because the 135-mile dirt road connecting Paletwa to Matupi was closed, as it often is.

Poor road conditions mean that there is no bus service between Paletwa and Matupi during the monsoon season. Private bikes or cars can be rented for emergencies, but tend to be expensive. Erosion routinely washes out sections of the road, and it’s not uncommon for vehicles to get stuck in the mud. Even when the weather is fine, the road can be closed for weeks due to fighting between Sami town and Paletwa.

There is another, shorter road to Paletwa, but it, too, is unreliable. Kyauktaw in Rakhine state is just 33 miles away, and the road connecting it to Paletwa is covered with gravel, but the government halted work on it in early 2019 due to frequent clashes in the area.

That leaves only water transportation. Travel by boat has not been banned, but for the past eight months, fighting has also made navigating the local waterways too dangerous for most.

All of this has made life in Paletwa harder than almost anywhere else in Myanmar. Local people have been deprived of access to healthcare and education, and the cost of necessities such as rice, oil, medicine and gas has risen dramatically.

Under such dire conditions, it is difficult to maintain even the most basic services, much less hold an election. And with Covid-19 restrictions still in place, candidates on the campaign trail face even greater challenges than usual.

Amidst the chaos of the pandemic and an armed conflict that shows no signs of easing, locals say election-related ventures have yet to get off the ground.

“What we need most right now is support and strength among our brothers. And, of course, medicine and rations,” said the KNP’s Luth Aung Ba.

Fellow KNP candidate Luth Kan Lin also places great value in fraternal solidarity. But although it was his brother, KNP party chairman Luth Kyaw Htun, who encouraged him to enter politics, he is also a great believer in self-reliance.

“I felt that I would need to be a bit financially stable to do politics. So I even went to Danai to do some mining,” he recounted of his previous run for public office during the 2015 election.

But even his brother’s support and his strong desire to serve his fellow Khumi people were not enough to deliver success at the ballot box.

Once he had made enough to finance his campaign, he returned to Paletwa to try to make his mark as a newly minted politician, but to no avail. “I was called a boss at the mine, but when I got back, I lost at least 40 lakhs,” the retired auditor said, laughing.

The KNP’s manifesto states that the party strives for the lasting prosperity of the region and the preservation of the Khumi and other ethnic cultures. The party says it aims to reduce poverty and create job opportunities, and also that it firmly believes in the importance of achieving self-administration to raise the social and economic well-being of the Khumi people.

However, when asked about strategies for winning the election, neither candidate could give a clear answer.

One problem is money. The party does not have anything like the level of funding that its rivals enjoy. The central executive committee has decided to pool its modest resources to meet campaign expenses.

Pandemic restrictions are also a hurdle. However, with Covid-19 in the picture, not being able to travel to all the villages within the township has largely eliminated the cost of canvassing for votes, said 70-year-old Luth Kan Lin.

Currently living in Matupi city, Luth Kan Lin says he awaits an opportunity to return to Paletwa. Luth Aung Ba, who is still in Yangon’s Hmawbi township even as election day fast approaches, says he hopes to get back to Paletwa by the middle of October.

The upcoming election will be the first for the 58-year-old Luth Aung Ba, whose work experience has mostly been in the hospitality field and as a sailor. In 2016, he retired and joined the party in his hometown.

At the time, the KNP chair told him that he should take advantage of the fact that he is a resident of Myanmar’s largest metropolis to attend classes on politics.

“When they asked me if I wanted to take more classes, I jokingly said no, I’ve already learned everything I need to know. So they told me it was time for me to run in the election,” Luth Aung Ba said, laughing.

The Khumi party is hoping to reach out to constituents by distributing pamphlets and sharing DVDs of the chair addressing the public. So far, however, they have not started any form of campaigning.

Luth Kan Lin said they had not received any information about how or even whether the election would be conducted.

“We don’t know if the election is still happening or not. And we don’t know if they’ve negotiated with the military for security,” he said.

The Paletwa township election commission chair, San Thar Kyaw, was not able to shed much light on the situation when contacted by Myanmar Now.

“If the Union Election Commission says there will be an election, then we’ll have an election. The most important thing is safety. Everything will run smoothly if safety is guaranteed,” he said.

But with even office supplies hard to find—“We’ll have to borrow what we need from other governmental departments,” said San Thar Kyaw—and no access to the internet, ensuring that the road to democracy in Paletwa is a smooth one will not be easy.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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