Tiny Khumi party fights uphill battle to claim a place in Paletwa’s political landscape

The Khumi may be in the majority in southern Chin State’s Paletwa township, but that won’t be any guarantee of success as the Khumi National Party takes on the Goliaths of Myanmar’s national politics.

Published on Oct 6, 2020
Paletwa, seen from the Kaladan River in February 2020 (Kyaw Lin Htoon/Myanmar Now)
Paletwa, seen from the Kaladan River in February 2020 (Kyaw Lin Htoon/Myanmar Now)

Paletwa township in southern Chin state is one of the most inaccessible regions in all of Myanmar. Remote and underdeveloped, it is also a battleground in the fierce conflict between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw. But like the rest of the country, it will soon witness another struggle for power: the November 8 election.

With around 30,000 eligible voters, two seats in the Chin state parliament, another two in the Amyotha Hluttaw, or upper house of the Union parliament, and one more in the Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house, Paletwa is not an especially big prize for any of Myanmar’s major political parties. But for one party, winning any of these seats would count as an unprecedented victory.

The Khumi National Party (KNP), with just 3,000 members at the time of its registration for this year’s election, is up against some very stiff competition in Paletwa. Besides the big two—the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—the party will also have to go head to head with the Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD), the thousand-candidate-strong United Democratic Party (UDP), and the Ethnic National Development Party (ENDP), based in Matupi.

Founded in 2014 by a 16-member executive committee, the KNP is the sole ethno-regional party in Paletwa. Its chair, Luth Kyaw Htun, won the Pyithu Hluttaw seat for Paletwa township in the 1990 election as an NLD candidate. In the 2010 election, he ran unsuccessfully as a candidate for the National Democratic Force (NDF). In 2015, he lost again, this time representing the KNP.

 

 

This year, the party will field candidates in three contests: constituencies 7 and 8 in the Amyotha Hluttaw and constituency 2 in the state parliament. Luth Kyaw Htun will be contesting in constituency 8, while Luth Kan Lin will be the party’s candidate in constituency 7 and Luth Aung Ba will make a bid for the state parliament seat.

 

 

At present, however, only the party chair is in Paletwa, even though the official campaign period has already begun. The other two candidates, Luth Aung Ba and Luth Kan Lin, have been kept away from the region they hope to represent by transport difficulties and the ongoing conflict.

Khumi leaders freely governed their respective areas of Paletwa for centuries. When the British invaded the region, they fought them off with any weapon they could lay their hands on. However, when they no longer had the numbers to put up much of a resistance, they became the first tribe in the Chin Hills to sign a peace treaty with the foreign power that came to rule over the entire country.

Under the British, Paletwa was administered as the Arakan Hill District. Currently, it is a township in Chin state’s Matupi district.

According to the General Administration Department’s figures for 2019, Paletwa has a population of more than 100,000 people, of whom about 90,000 are of Khumi descent. Ethnic Rakhine are the second-largest group, and there are also a number of other, smaller ethnic groups.

Reaching KNP chair Kyaw Htun for comment is no easy matter, in part because Paletwa is so difficult to access. The 75-year-old leader could not be contacted by phone because his hearing aid was not working properly. Family members told Myanmar Now that a replacement had been ordered, but hadn’t arrived yet because the 135-mile dirt road connecting Paletwa to Matupi was closed, as it often is.

Poor road conditions mean that there is no bus service between Paletwa and Matupi during the monsoon season. Private bikes or cars can be rented for emergencies, but tend to be expensive. Erosion routinely washes out sections of the road, and it’s not uncommon for vehicles to get stuck in the mud. Even when the weather is fine, the road can be closed for weeks due to fighting between Sami town and Paletwa.

There is another, shorter road to Paletwa, but it, too, is unreliable. Kyauktaw in Rakhine state is just 33 miles away, and the road connecting it to Paletwa is covered with gravel, but the government halted work on it in early 2019 due to frequent clashes in the area.

That leaves only water transportation. Travel by boat has not been banned, but for the past eight months, fighting has also made navigating the local waterways too dangerous for most.

All of this has made life in Paletwa harder than almost anywhere else in Myanmar. Local people have been deprived of access to healthcare and education, and the cost of necessities such as rice, oil, medicine and gas has risen dramatically.

Under such dire conditions, it is difficult to maintain even the most basic services, much less hold an election. And with Covid-19 restrictions still in place, candidates on the campaign trail face even greater challenges than usual.

Amidst the chaos of the pandemic and an armed conflict that shows no signs of easing, locals say election-related ventures have yet to get off the ground.

“What we need most right now is support and strength among our brothers. And, of course, medicine and rations,” said the KNP’s Luth Aung Ba.

Fellow KNP candidate Luth Kan Lin also places great value in fraternal solidarity. But although it was his brother, KNP party chairman Luth Kyaw Htun, who encouraged him to enter politics, he is also a great believer in self-reliance.

“I felt that I would need to be a bit financially stable to do politics. So I even went to Danai to do some mining,” he recounted of his previous run for public office during the 2015 election.

But even his brother’s support and his strong desire to serve his fellow Khumi people were not enough to deliver success at the ballot box.

Once he had made enough to finance his campaign, he returned to Paletwa to try to make his mark as a newly minted politician, but to no avail. “I was called a boss at the mine, but when I got back, I lost at least 40 lakhs,” the retired auditor said, laughing.

The KNP’s manifesto states that the party strives for the lasting prosperity of the region and the preservation of the Khumi and other ethnic cultures. The party says it aims to reduce poverty and create job opportunities, and also that it firmly believes in the importance of achieving self-administration to raise the social and economic well-being of the Khumi people.

However, when asked about strategies for winning the election, neither candidate could give a clear answer.

One problem is money. The party does not have anything like the level of funding that its rivals enjoy. The central executive committee has decided to pool its modest resources to meet campaign expenses.

Pandemic restrictions are also a hurdle. However, with Covid-19 in the picture, not being able to travel to all the villages within the township has largely eliminated the cost of canvassing for votes, said 70-year-old Luth Kan Lin.

Currently living in Matupi city, Luth Kan Lin says he awaits an opportunity to return to Paletwa. Luth Aung Ba, who is still in Yangon’s Hmawbi township even as election day fast approaches, says he hopes to get back to Paletwa by the middle of October.

The upcoming election will be the first for the 58-year-old Luth Aung Ba, whose work experience has mostly been in the hospitality field and as a sailor. In 2016, he retired and joined the party in his hometown.

At the time, the KNP chair told him that he should take advantage of the fact that he is a resident of Myanmar’s largest metropolis to attend classes on politics.

“When they asked me if I wanted to take more classes, I jokingly said no, I’ve already learned everything I need to know. So they told me it was time for me to run in the election,” Luth Aung Ba said, laughing.

The Khumi party is hoping to reach out to constituents by distributing pamphlets and sharing DVDs of the chair addressing the public. So far, however, they have not started any form of campaigning.

Luth Kan Lin said they had not received any information about how or even whether the election would be conducted.

“We don’t know if the election is still happening or not. And we don’t know if they’ve negotiated with the military for security,” he said.

The Paletwa township election commission chair, San Thar Kyaw, was not able to shed much light on the situation when contacted by Myanmar Now.

“If the Union Election Commission says there will be an election, then we’ll have an election. The most important thing is safety. Everything will run smoothly if safety is guaranteed,” he said.

But with even office supplies hard to find—“We’ll have to borrow what we need from other governmental departments,” said San Thar Kyaw—and no access to the internet, ensuring that the road to democracy in Paletwa is a smooth one will not be easy.

Kyaw Lin Htoon is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

The Chinland Defense Force said none of its fighters were killed in the clashes on Sunday and Monday 

Published on May 4, 2021
The Chin State capital Hakha seen from above (Myanmar Now) 

Resistance fighters in Chin State’s capital of Hakha say they have killed eight of the coup regime’s soldiers in clashes that started on Sunday.

The Chinland Defense Force (CDF), a group formed in the wake of the coup to fight back on behalf of civilians being attacked by the military, said it killed four soldiers on Sunday night and four more on Monday night.

The group formed in early April with ethnically Chin people from nine townships in Chin State as well as from areas outside the state.

It launched an attack on Sunday after it issued a statement warning the military to release 60 locals who had been detained and the military failed to do so, the group said. 

“They threatened the lives of those who joined CDM,” a CDF spokesperson in Hakha told Myanmar Now. “They interrogate civilians. They beat them. They make them do frog jumps and leave them under the hot sun.” 

“Those helping the military junta are also informing on people who are participating in the resistance movement,” he added. “The informers also make death threats to people. We are fighting against them so that they will stop doing all these things.” 

The first four soldiers died during fighting at a checkpoint near a military outpost. 

Then on Monday night at 11pm CDF fighters ambushed another checkpoint at the No. 6 traffic junction, killing the other four and injuring another 10 soldiers.

“The battle lasted for about half an hour,” the spokesperson said. “We attacked them when they didn’t expect us so they didn’t dare to shoot us back.” 

There were no deaths on the CDF side in either clash, the group said. 

Myanmar Now is unable to verify the group’s claim. The military’s spokesperson could not be reached for comment.

The CDF said it killed about 30 Myanmar military soldiers–and suffered no casualties itself–during four days of fighting in Mindat late last month.

On Monday afternoon, eight military trucks travelling to Chin State along the Tilin-Gangaw road were attacked with home-made mines. 

Local residents believe the trucks came from Kalay and were heading towards Hakha. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The explosions appeared to target government offices and are believed to be linked to the Civil Disobedience Movement

Published on May 4, 2021

Bomb blasts went off at three locations in Magway Region’s Myaing Township early Tuesday morning, in the latest of a series of explosions that have hit various parts of the country in recent days.

All three blasts occurred at around 4am and appeared to target government offices, local sources told Myanmar Now. No injuries were reported.

The sources said that there were two explosions in front of the township court, one near the office of the head of education, and another in a public hospital compound near the home of the hospital administrator.

Although no details could be confirmed, residents said they believed the blasts were caused by homemade bombs and were linked to the anti-coup Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).

“[Officials] appointed by the military council have been pressuring CDM workers. I heard these explosives were set off by civilians as a warning about this,” said one educator who is participating in the CDM.

According to a source who asked not to be identified, a number of teachers in the township have left the CDM since being told recently that they will face charges of incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code if they don’t return to work.

“Those responsible [for the explosions] may be trying to warn non-CDM workers that they are not safe, either,” the source said.

Despite pressure from the regime to force public employees back to work, residents say that only three schools are currently open in 15 villages in the township—a high school in Kan Ni and the middle schools of Obo and Kan Nat.

Regime officials arrived at the scene of the explosions soon after they occurred, but have not released a statement.

Meanwhile, there were also reports that a bomb went off at the college of education in the Mon State capital Mawlamyine early Tuesday morning. 

Local sources confirmed that a security guard was injured in the incident. No further details were available at the time of reporting. 

There have been at least a dozen explosions reported around the country since last weekend, according to state media and other sources.

While most have been in Yangon, there was also one in Bago on Monday that left five people dead, including an elected lawmaker and three police defectors.

No one has taken responsibility for the blasts, which state media has blamed on “rioters” opposed to a February 1 military coup that ousted Myanmar’s elected civilian government.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Poor conditions and anger at the military’s efforts to control the country are among the reasons people are fleeing, soldiers say  

Published on May 4, 2021
Military chief Min Aung Hlaing sits in the cockpit of a jet during a ceremony at the Meiktila air base in December 2019 (Office of the Commander-in-Chief)

Roughly 80 soldiers have defected from the Myanmar Air Force since the February 1 military coup, a sergeant and a captain who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) have told Myanmar Now. 

The air force’s central command has declared the soldiers deserters, said sergeant Aung Zay Ya, who joined CDM in early April. 

“They’ve printed out the names of every soldier who has defected and put them up at the air force commands along with their photos,” he told Myanmar Now. The sergeant served at Yangon Region Command and is now in hiding. 

Soldiers are normally declared deserters after failing to show up for 21 days, he said. 

He chose to defect because he disagreed with the military being involved in politics. “To be frank, I disliked it from the beginning,” he said. 

“I very much prefer to just do my job. If you’re a soldier, do a soldier’s job. It’s very off-putting to see these soldiers be such know-it-all snobs who think they can improve the country and be part of politics, I never liked them,” he added.  

The defections began in March and include soldiers from the Tada-U, Namsam, Pathein, Mingaladon and Taungu air force commands, a captain who left his post in early April to join CDM told Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity.

“They’re not announcing it as CDM, they’re just fleeing. There’s about 80,” he said. 

A soldier from the Mingaladon Air Force Command told Myanmar Now he deserted before the coup. “I couldn’t stand it. I’m a graduate of the Government Technical Institute. In the air force, I was made to just sweep floors and collect trash.”

There are also defectors from commands in Meiktila and Magwe, most of whom are low ranking, said the soldier, who requested anonymity for his security. 

“There is no fairness in the military, all the privates are oppressed. Just look at the housing at the command; there are holes in the roof,” he said.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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