The PPP, a party of NLD defectors, military men, and ultranationalists 

The People’s Pioneer Party seeks ‘national reconciliation’ with the Tatmadaw, but takes a less conciliatory stance on minorities  

PPP supporters put party flags and stickers on vehicles on September 12 (Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now)

The People’s Pioneer Party (PPP) is not going to let the fact that it is just a year old stand in the way of its big ambitions. With 234 candidates running in the upcoming election, it says “the entire party is playing to win.” Part of this confidence no doubt stems from the backgrounds of its founding members, who in the past belonged to two of the country’s political powerhouses: the military and the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD).

Founded by Thet Thet Khaing, a successful businesswoman who left the NLD after being suspended for criticizing its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the PPP has two retired military officials serving as vice-chairs. Kyaw Zeya (who also parted ways with the NLD) and Myint Maung Tun both had long careers in the Tatmadaw before entering the political arena, and also have ties to the business world.

As a party with a fairly clear agenda—its focus is on prioritizing socioeconomic development—the PPP is hoping that its message will resonate strongly enough with voters to make up for its lack of name recognition. But at the same time, it also has to find common ground among its own members, who include a significant contingent of ultranationalists.

Myanmar Now has looked into the composition of the PPP to get a better idea of where the party might stand on the issues.

 

 

Retired military officers

 

 

At least 16 PPP candidates are former military men. 

Kyaw Zeya, who currently sits in the Yangon regional parliament as the representative for Dagon township’s constituency 2, is a retired lieutenant colonel who served in the military for 38 years. He also spent 10 years as a director on the board of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a military-run conglomerate.

The 64-year-old Kyaw Zeya left the NLD last year and is now a vice-chair of the PPP. He is running as the party’s candidate for Amyotha Hluttaw constituency 11, which includes the townships of Kyauktada, Sanchaung, Dagon, Pabedan, Bahan, Mayangon and Latha.

The PPP’s other vice-chair is Myint Maung Tun, a 71-year-old retired major who is currently an entrepreneur. He is contesting in the Kamaryut township constituency for a seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw.

His candidacy announcement stated that he served in the military from 1971 until 1991, and as a general manager and director at the No.2 Heavy Industries Enterprise from 1991 to 2010. He also served as chair of the Myanmar Finance Cooperative Federation from 2008 to 2016.

Since retiring from the military, Myint Maung Tun has dedicated most of his time to various commercial enterprises. Currently he is working in the businesses of generating and selling electricity, power plant construction, microfinance and telecommunications services.

His name does not appear on the board of directors at Asia Business Synergy or Star Link, which are listed in the candidacy announcement as companies that he founded. 

“The military wants to redeem its reputation so they’re doing a lot of reform and trying to be a standard army,” said PPP vice-chair Myint Maung Tun

According to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), Myint Maung Tun is a member on the board of directors at Malikha Engineering Ltd and Myanmar Business Resources Co., Ltd.

He is also a board member at Myanmar Telecommunication Network Public Co., Ltd., which provides maintenance services for telephone lines in the townships of Mayangon, Mingaladon and Htauk Kyant, where many military personnel live. 

The company also operates satellite communications and an international gateway (IGW) service, and has set up a digital village. It is also reportedly planning to install an underground cable line along the Yangon-Mawlamyine-Dawei railway line.

According to Myint Maung Tun, some of the profits from these businesses are used for social welfare activities. He added that he became interested in politics mainly because he saw it as a way to work for the benefit of the people.

As a former member of the military, he told Myanmar Now that he understood the military’s involvement in certain regions where conflict presented a danger to the country.

He said the current military figures are not the same as those who ruled in the past. He added that he is in constant communication with the new generation of military leaders and wants to cooperate with them because he understands their desire for reform.

“The military wants to redeem its reputation so they’re doing a lot of reform and trying to be a standard army. When I talk to them, I can see their true beliefs. In any case, we understand the military,” he said.

Besides Kyaw Zeya and Myint Maung Tun, other PPP candidates with a military background include former Lt-Col Aung Myint Win, former captains Zaw Myo Thet and Myat Thu Linn, and Ye Aung Kyaw.

According to the party’s candidacy announcement, Aung Myint Win served as a special officer and operations manager at Naing Group and Max Myanmar from 2004 until 2018.

The announcement said he was involved in construction businesses in Ayeyarwady, Sagaing and Yangon regions, real estate and the construction of a telecommunications tower from 2009 to 2016.

He also served as chief executive officer at the Yangon Veterans Supervision Board from 2016 until 2019.

Aung Myint Win is contesting in Amyotha Hluttaw constituency 12, which includes the townships of Kamaryut, Kyimyindine, Lanmadaw, Hlaing and Ahlone.

Other retired military officials with business expertise who are representing PPP in the election include Myat Thu Lin from the townships of Nga Pu Taw and Pathein in Ayeyarwady region, Zaw Myo Thet from Karen state and Ye Aung Kyaw from Kamaryut township in Yangon.

The exact number of PPP candidates who are former military personnel is unknown, but party vice-chair Kyaw Zeya said he was aware of more than five candidates with military backgrounds in Yangon.

He added, however, that these candidates were chosen on the basis of their suitability for public office, and not simply because they had served in the military. 

“We can’t pick a candidate just because they’re a retired captain,” he told Myanmar Now.

According to the party’s manifesto, four of its 64 objectives deal with communication between the military and civilians and come under the heading of “national reconciliation”.

The manifesto also states that provisions in the 2008 constitution related to the military’s involvement in politics have led to the deterioration of relations between the military and civilians. National reconciliation remains a distant goal, it says.

The chair of the party, Thet Thet Khine, was quoted by AFP in September as saying that while the military made mistakes in the past, the new generation of military personnel understands professionalism.

Ultranationalists

According to party chair Thet Thet Khine, the PPP has five major criteria for selecting a candidate: the person has to be a member of the party; be well-known and trusted by the people; be experienced; be able to attend trainings provided by the party; and be able to understand legislation, the government, the law, and how to represent the people.

Despite this, however, at least 10 members of the controversial Patriotic Association of Myanmar (better known as Ma Ba Tha) are included on the list of PPP candidates.

“I completely understand the civilian and military relationship. You can’t amend the 2008 constitution without the military’s involvement,” said former Ma Ba Tha member Kan Myint 

Ma Ba Tha, a monk-led association notorious for its religious nationalism, was dissolved under the current government after it was declared an unlawful association.

PPP candidates include former Ma Ba Tha members Kan Myint, Khaing Zay Min Htet, Saw Yu mar and Thet Lwin Oo.

Kan Myint, a candidate contesting in Bago’s Thae Kone township constituency 2, was a recruitment officer for Ma Ba Tha in Bago region. He told Myanmar Now he has led Ma Ba Tha meetings and events supporting the military in Bago.

At least 10 nationalist candidates who were involved in Ma Ba Tha, including Naing Thu Lat and Khaing Zay Min Htet, are representing PPP in this year’s election, he said.

He said he joined the party because of its plan to achieve national reconciliation. He added that he would focus on farmers’ affairs if elected.

“I completely understand the civilian and military relationship. You can’t amend the 2008 constitution without the military’s involvement. PPP isn’t a party that’s relying on any individual. It was formed with a collective effort that everyone can contribute to,” he said.

Saw Yu Mar and Thet Lwin Oo, who are running to represent Thae Kone township in the Pyithu Hluttaw and regional parliament, respectively, have broken election rules against using religion for campaigning purposes, and on social media shared a post that put the PPP flag together with the flag of Myanmar and the Buddhist flag.

Saw Yu Mar, 46, has shared social media posts that contain vulgar language attacking other religions. In one, posted on September 12, she referred to Muslim candidates by the racist term “kalar” and warned the public that their children could end up becoming their mistresses. 

She later denied sharing the post, claiming that two people manage her account. 

She told Myanmar Now that she is “just a nationalist activist,” not someone who attacks people of other religions or ethnicities. But she stood by the post with the three flags, saying that it reflected her belief that religion and politics are closely connected.

Naing Thu Lat, a former Ma Ba Tha member, is contesting in Yangon’s Insein constituency as a PPP candidate. In 2015, he ran as a candidate for the National Development Party (NDP), founded by former Thein Sein advisor Nay Zin Latt. The NDP ran afoul of election officials for bringing religion into its campaign activities. 

In 2018, Naing Thu Lat joined a nationalist crowd in attempting to incite police to arrest anti-war protesters. He was fined 5,000 kyat by the Bahan township court for breach of duty.

Despite the extreme nationalism and religious chauvinism of some of its members, the PPP also has one Muslim candidate. 

Aung Myo Min is a Pyithu Hluttaw candidate contesting in Yangon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt township. According to vice-chair Kyaw Zeya, the party didn’t realize the 39-year-old businessman was a Muslim when it selected him as a PPP candidate.

“He looked just like a Bamar and we didn’t ask him about his religion. He didn’t say anything about it, either. Our application form doesn’t discriminate on the basis of religion or ethnicity. After the candidates were officially announced, we asked him and he said he is a Muslim. There’s nothing we can do about it now,” he said.

There have been other Muslims who applied to become candidates, but they were rejected because the party didn’t want to be seen as actively supporting members of a religion that is regarded with mistrust by many Myanmar Buddhists.

“Actually, we want to accept their applications but we had to apologize and tell them to just join as members because the party is just starting out,” said Kyaw Zeya.

Former NLD members

There are a number of PPP candidates who previously ran as members of other parties, including the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the New Democracy Party (NDP). But no party has contributed more to the formation of the PPP than the NLD.

Both its chair, Thet Thet Khine, and one of its vice-chairs, Kyaw Zeya, were NLD members until last year. And they are not alone.

Another former NLD member running as a PPP candidate is Phay Chit, an incumbent Amyotha Hluttaw representative who is contesting this year in the Hmawbi constituency for a seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw. He is also a former military officer.

Aung Myo Khaing, the son of NLD co-founder Aung Gyi, is also a PPP candidate in the upcoming election. The 48-year-old co-founder of the Shwe La Min teashop and the Kumudra special clinic is hoping that his decision to leave the NLD won’t backfire on him the way it did for his father 30 years ago. 

Maj-Gen Aung Gyi, who served as deputy commander-in-chief of the armed forces during the Ne Win era, became the NLD’s first chairperson when the party was founded in 1988. He resigned about three months later, however, and went on to form a party that performed poorly in the 1990 election.

There are two former USDP members running as PPP candidates: Aung Kyaw Htay, who is running to represent Nyaung Lay Pin township in the Bago region parliament, and Thiha Soe, who is contesting in Mayangon township for a seat in the Yangon region parliament.

Hnin Pwint, a candidate contesting in Yangon’s Yankin constituency for a seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw, is a former member of the NDP. Her candidacy announcement stated that she has written stories and scripts for the military-run Myawaddy TV.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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