The passing of a native son leaves USDP hard-pressed to win in Taungtha

The army-backed party still has a fighting chance in the hometown of Aung Thaung, but the NLD is favoured to win

Published on Oct 19, 2020
Graphics by Moe Htet Hlyan/Myanmar Now
Graphics by Moe Htet Hlyan/Myanmar Now

Taungtha, a small upcountry township in Mandalay region, is an unlikely focus of national political attention. But as next month’s election approaches, all eyes are on this once unshakeable bastion of support for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

As the hometown of party stalwart Aung Thaung, a retired army colonel with close ties to the leaders of Myanmar’s former ruling junta, Taungtha reaped the benefits of having a native son with friends in high places. But with his death shortly before the 2015 election, local voters showed the limits of patronage politics.   

The upset win by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a USDP stronghold sent a clear signal that Taungtha, along with the rest of the country, was ready for a break with the past.

Now, however, the USDP is hoping it can redeem itself and reclaim its place in the hearts and minds of the people of Taughtha. Its success or failure in this endeavour will be seen by many as an indication of whether the army-backed party has much of a future.

 

 

Taungtha in transition

 

 

Located near the geographic centre of Myanmar, Taungtha is mostly known as a producer of palm sugar and onions. But as the birthplace of Aung Thaung, it also enjoyed prominence as town close to the hearts of the country’s military leaders.

Born in the village of Kyauk Kar, Aung Thaung joined the armed forces as a young man and steadily worked his way up through the ranks to become a highly influential figure in the military community. 

Fiercely loyal to his superiors, he earned the trust of both Senior General Than Shwe and Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the two most powerful men in Myanmar under the former regime.

Officially, he served as the deputy minister for commerce and the minister of livestock and fisheries; but unofficially, he was better known as one of the orchestrators of the 2003 Depayin massacre, which left scores of NLD supporters dead. For this, he was placed on a US blacklist of junta hardliners.

But none of this really mattered in Taungtha, where Aung Thaung received widespread public support for his regional development activities and personal attachment to the place of his birth, according to Mandalay USDP chair Win Maung.

“The minister was very attached to the township and would help anyone from there who asked. That’s why they were also strongly attached to him. They loved and supported him,” he said.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said NLD candidate Dr Kywe Kywe 

In 2010, Aung Thaung easily won a seat representing Taungtha in the Pyithu Hluttaw, in an election that the NLD boycotted. He also chaired the Pyithu Hluttaw’s bank and finance development committee.

But before he could put local loyalties to the test in the 2015 election, which the NLD decided to contest, Aung Thaung had a stroke and died while receiving treatment in Singapore. Many speculated that the USDP’s loss in that election was due to his sudden death.

Others, however, believed that Aung Thaung’s influence was already waning as a result of shifts in Myanmar’s political landscape, as well as the increased political awareness of the public in Taungtha.

“Taungtha is known for its associations, but we were very satisfied with the level of public support we received in 2015,” said Wine Chit Aung, the NLD candidate for Taungtha township constituency no.2, who defeated his USDP rival Tint Way five years ago by more than 20,000 votes.

He added that while there are still pockets of support for the party that represents the old guard, he thinks they are small and dwindling fast. That’s why he believes the NLD will do even better this time around.

Unlike the last time Taungtha went to the polls, he said, this year’s election won’t be marred by the same level of interference. In 2015, NLD candidates on the campaign trail weren’t even allowed to greet supporters.

Taungtha native Aye Myat Kyu, owner of an electrical supplies store, agreed that conditions have greatly improved and no longer favour Aung Thaung’s style of politicking.

“When former minister Aung Thaung had influence, everyone was persuaded in various ways to join the USDP. It was a time when people had difficulty expressing their beliefs because it was a dictatorship. It seemed like the town was under his influence,” she said.

In 2015, the NLD won in all constituencies in Taungtha, picking up every seat representing the township in both the upper and lower houses of the Union parliament and in the state legislature.

Two major opponents in a five-way fight

Located in Mandalay region’s Myingyan district, Taungtha township has six quarters, 77 village groups, and a total of 243 villages. Home to more than 240,000 people, it has nearly 200,000 eligible voters. 

According to the Taungtha township election commission, there are 17 polling stations in the town and 305 in the villages. Taungtha has no military polling stations.

Twenty candidates from five political parties—the NLD, the USDP, the United Democratic Party (UDP), the Union Betterment Party (UBP), and the National Unity Party (NUP)—will be competing to represent the constituency, but locals say it will be mostly a battle between the NLD and the USDP.

On the NLD side, Dr Kywe Kywe is running for Taungtha’s single seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw; Aung Myo Latt, for its seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw; and Wine Chit Aung and Kyaw Myo Aung, for its two seats in the regional parliament. 

Their USDP rivals are Thant Swe (Pyithu Hluttaw); Kyaw Tin (Amyotha Hluttaw); and Win Maung and Dr Min Khaung Kyaw (regional parliament).

“The USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” said local charity worker Zaw Myo Tin

So far, the NLD seems to have the upper hand.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said the NLD’s Dr Kywe Kywe, before adding a note of caution: “We’re being careful to not get punished for violating Covid-19 prevention measures. That’s something we’re worried about

A sitting member of the Amyotha Hluttaw, Dr Kywe Kywe defeated USDP regional chair Win Maung by almost 60,000 votes in 2015. He said he expects his party to do well again this year.

Thant Swe, his USDP rival in this year’s election, is a native of Aung Thaung’s hometown Kyauk Kar, and also a former military staffer, according to the mVoter application and details released by the Union Election Commission. 

But whether Thant Swe’s personal background will help him in this contest or not remains to be seen. As fellow USDP candidate Win Maung explained, there are places where Aung Thaung’s influence can still be felt, but there are also others where that is not the case.

“It’s difficult to predict the future. We’ll see what happens on the date of the election,” he said.

‘Vote for a good person’

Meanwhile, Myanmar’s military is doing its best to keep Aung Thaung’s legacy alive.

On August 25, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, visited Taungtha to make donations to local monasteries and contribute to the construction of roads in the area.   

Although he didn’t openly endorse any candidate, he urged the public to vote for “good” candidates who work for the good of the country. Since then, the USDP has followed his example and stepped up its philanthropic work.

Thant Swe has been especially generous, in an apparent effort to live up to Aung Thaung’s reputation for largesse. Locals say he has personally donated tens of millions of kyat to build a road up the Taungtha hill on the Myingyan-Taungtha road.

According to Zaw Myo Tin, a worker at a local youth charity, Thant Swe and other USDP candidates have been handing out money for construction materials all over the township.

“Maybe it’s because this is the campaign period, but the USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” he said.

But the party denies that its activities have anything to do with the election.

“We’re not doing anything special. It’s just the same as we always do,” said USDP state parliament candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw, who claimed that the party wasn’t engaged in any campaign activities, but was simply continuing with its usual work of helping local people.

“Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw

“When we’re allowed to, we’ll go on campaign trips and greet our supporters. In the meantime, we’ll just do our best to communicate with supporters of the other parties, to let them know that they shouldn’t start fights. That’s all,” he told Myanmar Now.

The people will decide

Ultimately, the outcome of the election will hinge not on Taungtha’s past ties to an influential figure, but on each party’s record, according to political analyst and former MP Ywal Tun.

While some voters may still base their choice on old allegiances, most will compare life under USDP rule with their present circumstances after five years of NLD government and then vote accordingly, he said.

Seen from this perspective, the final tally could be closer than many observers expect. 

However, despite some dissatisfaction with the NLD’s performance in power, local support for the party is still strong, according to 44-year-old Taungtha native Maw Kyi Soe.

Local voters say that if anything works in the USDP’s favour, it is the fact that three of its candidates hail from the area, while Kyaw Myo Aung is the only Taungtha native running under the NLD banner.

The USDP has made much of this, saying that a good representative should be familiar with the place they’re representing. But the NLD candidates have played this down, arguing that all that matters is how well they do the job. 

The NLD is confident that it can run successfully on its record.

According to Dr Kywe Kywe, Taungtha has better roads and greater access to electricity than ever since the party took office. More importantly, he said, the public now has the freedom to speak without fear. 

The USDP, meanwhile, seemed less certain of its chances of victory.

“It’s politics. We’ll know the exact result on November 8. It’s not predictable. Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw.

Naing Lin Aung is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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