The passing of a native son leaves USDP hard-pressed to win in Taungtha

The army-backed party still has a fighting chance in the hometown of Aung Thaung, but the NLD is favoured to win

Graphics by Moe Htet Hlyan/Myanmar Now

Taungtha, a small upcountry township in Mandalay region, is an unlikely focus of national political attention. But as next month’s election approaches, all eyes are on this once unshakeable bastion of support for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

As the hometown of party stalwart Aung Thaung, a retired army colonel with close ties to the leaders of Myanmar’s former ruling junta, Taungtha reaped the benefits of having a native son with friends in high places. But with his death shortly before the 2015 election, local voters showed the limits of patronage politics.   

The upset win by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a USDP stronghold sent a clear signal that Taungtha, along with the rest of the country, was ready for a break with the past.

Now, however, the USDP is hoping it can redeem itself and reclaim its place in the hearts and minds of the people of Taughtha. Its success or failure in this endeavour will be seen by many as an indication of whether the army-backed party has much of a future.

 

 

Taungtha in transition

 

 

Located near the geographic centre of Myanmar, Taungtha is mostly known as a producer of palm sugar and onions. But as the birthplace of Aung Thaung, it also enjoyed prominence as town close to the hearts of the country’s military leaders.

Born in the village of Kyauk Kar, Aung Thaung joined the armed forces as a young man and steadily worked his way up through the ranks to become a highly influential figure in the military community. 

Fiercely loyal to his superiors, he earned the trust of both Senior General Than Shwe and Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the two most powerful men in Myanmar under the former regime.

Officially, he served as the deputy minister for commerce and the minister of livestock and fisheries; but unofficially, he was better known as one of the orchestrators of the 2003 Depayin massacre, which left scores of NLD supporters dead. For this, he was placed on a US blacklist of junta hardliners.

But none of this really mattered in Taungtha, where Aung Thaung received widespread public support for his regional development activities and personal attachment to the place of his birth, according to Mandalay USDP chair Win Maung.

“The minister was very attached to the township and would help anyone from there who asked. That’s why they were also strongly attached to him. They loved and supported him,” he said.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said NLD candidate Dr Kywe Kywe 

In 2010, Aung Thaung easily won a seat representing Taungtha in the Pyithu Hluttaw, in an election that the NLD boycotted. He also chaired the Pyithu Hluttaw’s bank and finance development committee.

But before he could put local loyalties to the test in the 2015 election, which the NLD decided to contest, Aung Thaung had a stroke and died while receiving treatment in Singapore. Many speculated that the USDP’s loss in that election was due to his sudden death.

Others, however, believed that Aung Thaung’s influence was already waning as a result of shifts in Myanmar’s political landscape, as well as the increased political awareness of the public in Taungtha.

“Taungtha is known for its associations, but we were very satisfied with the level of public support we received in 2015,” said Wine Chit Aung, the NLD candidate for Taungtha township constituency no.2, who defeated his USDP rival Tint Way five years ago by more than 20,000 votes.

He added that while there are still pockets of support for the party that represents the old guard, he thinks they are small and dwindling fast. That’s why he believes the NLD will do even better this time around.

Unlike the last time Taungtha went to the polls, he said, this year’s election won’t be marred by the same level of interference. In 2015, NLD candidates on the campaign trail weren’t even allowed to greet supporters.

Taungtha native Aye Myat Kyu, owner of an electrical supplies store, agreed that conditions have greatly improved and no longer favour Aung Thaung’s style of politicking.

“When former minister Aung Thaung had influence, everyone was persuaded in various ways to join the USDP. It was a time when people had difficulty expressing their beliefs because it was a dictatorship. It seemed like the town was under his influence,” she said.

In 2015, the NLD won in all constituencies in Taungtha, picking up every seat representing the township in both the upper and lower houses of the Union parliament and in the state legislature.

Two major opponents in a five-way fight

Located in Mandalay region’s Myingyan district, Taungtha township has six quarters, 77 village groups, and a total of 243 villages. Home to more than 240,000 people, it has nearly 200,000 eligible voters. 

According to the Taungtha township election commission, there are 17 polling stations in the town and 305 in the villages. Taungtha has no military polling stations.

Twenty candidates from five political parties—the NLD, the USDP, the United Democratic Party (UDP), the Union Betterment Party (UBP), and the National Unity Party (NUP)—will be competing to represent the constituency, but locals say it will be mostly a battle between the NLD and the USDP.

On the NLD side, Dr Kywe Kywe is running for Taungtha’s single seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw; Aung Myo Latt, for its seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw; and Wine Chit Aung and Kyaw Myo Aung, for its two seats in the regional parliament. 

Their USDP rivals are Thant Swe (Pyithu Hluttaw); Kyaw Tin (Amyotha Hluttaw); and Win Maung and Dr Min Khaung Kyaw (regional parliament).

“The USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” said local charity worker Zaw Myo Tin

So far, the NLD seems to have the upper hand.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said the NLD’s Dr Kywe Kywe, before adding a note of caution: “We’re being careful to not get punished for violating Covid-19 prevention measures. That’s something we’re worried about

A sitting member of the Amyotha Hluttaw, Dr Kywe Kywe defeated USDP regional chair Win Maung by almost 60,000 votes in 2015. He said he expects his party to do well again this year.

Thant Swe, his USDP rival in this year’s election, is a native of Aung Thaung’s hometown Kyauk Kar, and also a former military staffer, according to the mVoter application and details released by the Union Election Commission. 

But whether Thant Swe’s personal background will help him in this contest or not remains to be seen. As fellow USDP candidate Win Maung explained, there are places where Aung Thaung’s influence can still be felt, but there are also others where that is not the case.

“It’s difficult to predict the future. We’ll see what happens on the date of the election,” he said.

‘Vote for a good person’

Meanwhile, Myanmar’s military is doing its best to keep Aung Thaung’s legacy alive.

On August 25, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, visited Taungtha to make donations to local monasteries and contribute to the construction of roads in the area.   

Although he didn’t openly endorse any candidate, he urged the public to vote for “good” candidates who work for the good of the country. Since then, the USDP has followed his example and stepped up its philanthropic work.

Thant Swe has been especially generous, in an apparent effort to live up to Aung Thaung’s reputation for largesse. Locals say he has personally donated tens of millions of kyat to build a road up the Taungtha hill on the Myingyan-Taungtha road.

According to Zaw Myo Tin, a worker at a local youth charity, Thant Swe and other USDP candidates have been handing out money for construction materials all over the township.

“Maybe it’s because this is the campaign period, but the USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” he said.

But the party denies that its activities have anything to do with the election.

“We’re not doing anything special. It’s just the same as we always do,” said USDP state parliament candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw, who claimed that the party wasn’t engaged in any campaign activities, but was simply continuing with its usual work of helping local people.

“Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw

“When we’re allowed to, we’ll go on campaign trips and greet our supporters. In the meantime, we’ll just do our best to communicate with supporters of the other parties, to let them know that they shouldn’t start fights. That’s all,” he told Myanmar Now.

The people will decide

Ultimately, the outcome of the election will hinge not on Taungtha’s past ties to an influential figure, but on each party’s record, according to political analyst and former MP Ywal Tun.

While some voters may still base their choice on old allegiances, most will compare life under USDP rule with their present circumstances after five years of NLD government and then vote accordingly, he said.

Seen from this perspective, the final tally could be closer than many observers expect. 

However, despite some dissatisfaction with the NLD’s performance in power, local support for the party is still strong, according to 44-year-old Taungtha native Maw Kyi Soe.

Local voters say that if anything works in the USDP’s favour, it is the fact that three of its candidates hail from the area, while Kyaw Myo Aung is the only Taungtha native running under the NLD banner.

The USDP has made much of this, saying that a good representative should be familiar with the place they’re representing. But the NLD candidates have played this down, arguing that all that matters is how well they do the job. 

The NLD is confident that it can run successfully on its record.

According to Dr Kywe Kywe, Taungtha has better roads and greater access to electricity than ever since the party took office. More importantly, he said, the public now has the freedom to speak without fear. 

The USDP, meanwhile, seemed less certain of its chances of victory.

“It’s politics. We’ll know the exact result on November 8. It’s not predictable. Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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