The passing of a native son leaves USDP hard-pressed to win in Taungtha

The army-backed party still has a fighting chance in the hometown of Aung Thaung, but the NLD is favoured to win

Graphics by Moe Htet Hlyan/Myanmar Now

Taungtha, a small upcountry township in Mandalay region, is an unlikely focus of national political attention. But as next month’s election approaches, all eyes are on this once unshakeable bastion of support for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

As the hometown of party stalwart Aung Thaung, a retired army colonel with close ties to the leaders of Myanmar’s former ruling junta, Taungtha reaped the benefits of having a native son with friends in high places. But with his death shortly before the 2015 election, local voters showed the limits of patronage politics.   

The upset win by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a USDP stronghold sent a clear signal that Taungtha, along with the rest of the country, was ready for a break with the past.

Now, however, the USDP is hoping it can redeem itself and reclaim its place in the hearts and minds of the people of Taughtha. Its success or failure in this endeavour will be seen by many as an indication of whether the army-backed party has much of a future.

 

 

Taungtha in transition

 

 

Located near the geographic centre of Myanmar, Taungtha is mostly known as a producer of palm sugar and onions. But as the birthplace of Aung Thaung, it also enjoyed prominence as town close to the hearts of the country’s military leaders.

Born in the village of Kyauk Kar, Aung Thaung joined the armed forces as a young man and steadily worked his way up through the ranks to become a highly influential figure in the military community. 

Fiercely loyal to his superiors, he earned the trust of both Senior General Than Shwe and Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the two most powerful men in Myanmar under the former regime.

Officially, he served as the deputy minister for commerce and the minister of livestock and fisheries; but unofficially, he was better known as one of the orchestrators of the 2003 Depayin massacre, which left scores of NLD supporters dead. For this, he was placed on a US blacklist of junta hardliners.

But none of this really mattered in Taungtha, where Aung Thaung received widespread public support for his regional development activities and personal attachment to the place of his birth, according to Mandalay USDP chair Win Maung.

“The minister was very attached to the township and would help anyone from there who asked. That’s why they were also strongly attached to him. They loved and supported him,” he said.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said NLD candidate Dr Kywe Kywe 

In 2010, Aung Thaung easily won a seat representing Taungtha in the Pyithu Hluttaw, in an election that the NLD boycotted. He also chaired the Pyithu Hluttaw’s bank and finance development committee.

But before he could put local loyalties to the test in the 2015 election, which the NLD decided to contest, Aung Thaung had a stroke and died while receiving treatment in Singapore. Many speculated that the USDP’s loss in that election was due to his sudden death.

Others, however, believed that Aung Thaung’s influence was already waning as a result of shifts in Myanmar’s political landscape, as well as the increased political awareness of the public in Taungtha.

“Taungtha is known for its associations, but we were very satisfied with the level of public support we received in 2015,” said Wine Chit Aung, the NLD candidate for Taungtha township constituency no.2, who defeated his USDP rival Tint Way five years ago by more than 20,000 votes.

He added that while there are still pockets of support for the party that represents the old guard, he thinks they are small and dwindling fast. That’s why he believes the NLD will do even better this time around.

Unlike the last time Taungtha went to the polls, he said, this year’s election won’t be marred by the same level of interference. In 2015, NLD candidates on the campaign trail weren’t even allowed to greet supporters.

Taungtha native Aye Myat Kyu, owner of an electrical supplies store, agreed that conditions have greatly improved and no longer favour Aung Thaung’s style of politicking.

“When former minister Aung Thaung had influence, everyone was persuaded in various ways to join the USDP. It was a time when people had difficulty expressing their beliefs because it was a dictatorship. It seemed like the town was under his influence,” she said.

In 2015, the NLD won in all constituencies in Taungtha, picking up every seat representing the township in both the upper and lower houses of the Union parliament and in the state legislature.

Two major opponents in a five-way fight

Located in Mandalay region’s Myingyan district, Taungtha township has six quarters, 77 village groups, and a total of 243 villages. Home to more than 240,000 people, it has nearly 200,000 eligible voters. 

According to the Taungtha township election commission, there are 17 polling stations in the town and 305 in the villages. Taungtha has no military polling stations.

Twenty candidates from five political parties—the NLD, the USDP, the United Democratic Party (UDP), the Union Betterment Party (UBP), and the National Unity Party (NUP)—will be competing to represent the constituency, but locals say it will be mostly a battle between the NLD and the USDP.

On the NLD side, Dr Kywe Kywe is running for Taungtha’s single seat in the Pyithu Hluttaw; Aung Myo Latt, for its seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw; and Wine Chit Aung and Kyaw Myo Aung, for its two seats in the regional parliament. 

Their USDP rivals are Thant Swe (Pyithu Hluttaw); Kyaw Tin (Amyotha Hluttaw); and Win Maung and Dr Min Khaung Kyaw (regional parliament).

“The USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” said local charity worker Zaw Myo Tin

So far, the NLD seems to have the upper hand.

“Generally speaking, we’re winning in Taungtha,” said the NLD’s Dr Kywe Kywe, before adding a note of caution: “We’re being careful to not get punished for violating Covid-19 prevention measures. That’s something we’re worried about

A sitting member of the Amyotha Hluttaw, Dr Kywe Kywe defeated USDP regional chair Win Maung by almost 60,000 votes in 2015. He said he expects his party to do well again this year.

Thant Swe, his USDP rival in this year’s election, is a native of Aung Thaung’s hometown Kyauk Kar, and also a former military staffer, according to the mVoter application and details released by the Union Election Commission. 

But whether Thant Swe’s personal background will help him in this contest or not remains to be seen. As fellow USDP candidate Win Maung explained, there are places where Aung Thaung’s influence can still be felt, but there are also others where that is not the case.

“It’s difficult to predict the future. We’ll see what happens on the date of the election,” he said.

‘Vote for a good person’

Meanwhile, Myanmar’s military is doing its best to keep Aung Thaung’s legacy alive.

On August 25, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, visited Taungtha to make donations to local monasteries and contribute to the construction of roads in the area.   

Although he didn’t openly endorse any candidate, he urged the public to vote for “good” candidates who work for the good of the country. Since then, the USDP has followed his example and stepped up its philanthropic work.

Thant Swe has been especially generous, in an apparent effort to live up to Aung Thaung’s reputation for largesse. Locals say he has personally donated tens of millions of kyat to build a road up the Taungtha hill on the Myingyan-Taungtha road.

According to Zaw Myo Tin, a worker at a local youth charity, Thant Swe and other USDP candidates have been handing out money for construction materials all over the township.

“Maybe it’s because this is the campaign period, but the USDP has been spending a ton of money in Taungtha,” he said.

But the party denies that its activities have anything to do with the election.

“We’re not doing anything special. It’s just the same as we always do,” said USDP state parliament candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw, who claimed that the party wasn’t engaged in any campaign activities, but was simply continuing with its usual work of helping local people.

“Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw

“When we’re allowed to, we’ll go on campaign trips and greet our supporters. In the meantime, we’ll just do our best to communicate with supporters of the other parties, to let them know that they shouldn’t start fights. That’s all,” he told Myanmar Now.

The people will decide

Ultimately, the outcome of the election will hinge not on Taungtha’s past ties to an influential figure, but on each party’s record, according to political analyst and former MP Ywal Tun.

While some voters may still base their choice on old allegiances, most will compare life under USDP rule with their present circumstances after five years of NLD government and then vote accordingly, he said.

Seen from this perspective, the final tally could be closer than many observers expect. 

However, despite some dissatisfaction with the NLD’s performance in power, local support for the party is still strong, according to 44-year-old Taungtha native Maw Kyi Soe.

Local voters say that if anything works in the USDP’s favour, it is the fact that three of its candidates hail from the area, while Kyaw Myo Aung is the only Taungtha native running under the NLD banner.

The USDP has made much of this, saying that a good representative should be familiar with the place they’re representing. But the NLD candidates have played this down, arguing that all that matters is how well they do the job. 

The NLD is confident that it can run successfully on its record.

According to Dr Kywe Kywe, Taungtha has better roads and greater access to electricity than ever since the party took office. More importantly, he said, the public now has the freedom to speak without fear. 

The USDP, meanwhile, seemed less certain of its chances of victory.

“It’s politics. We’ll know the exact result on November 8. It’s not predictable. Sometimes they seem as if they support us, but that isn’t necessarily the case,” said USDP candidate Dr Min Khaung Kyaw.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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