The outsiders: who are the NLD’s military-linked leaders?

The NLD may have a supermajority in both houses, but recent appointments are a reminder that the party wants to keep the generals close.

Since the National League for Democracy (NLD) took power in 2016, the administration has given senior positions to a number of ex-military officers, opposition party members, and other outsiders.

The appointment last month of retired colonel U Min Thu as minister to the Office of the Union Government is the latest sign that Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD is, in its own way, sticking to its manifesto of pledge of supporting “national reconciliation.” 

Of 50 members in the President U Win Myint’s cabinet, just 11 are from among the ranks of the NLD, while four hail from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Another six are directly appointed by the military, as per the constitution, while the rest are non-party affiliated figures, some of whom are alumni of the old military regime.

Here is a list, in order of seniority*, of some of the former foes and outsiders serving in Aung San Suu Kyi’s government. It does not include anyone in the six military-appointed ministerial positions.

 

 

The alleged militiaman: T Khun Myat - Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw (Union Rank 5)

 

 

T Khun Myat, an ethnic Kachin from Shan State, was promoted from deputy speaker to speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw (or lower house) when U Win Myint left the position to become President in March.

The speaker, who is also known as Jeffrey, has been identified by the Shan Herald Agency for News as the alleged leader of a Kutkai-based people’s militia that was involved in the illegal drug trade. He has denied the reports though.

A lawyer by training, T Khun Myat was the lead member of the national convention that drafted the military’s 2008 constitution while serving as Director General for the Attorney General’s Office.

He became a Pyithu Hluttaw lawmaker for the USDP in the 2010 election, winning in Kutkai constituency, and was chair of the Pyithu Hluttaw bill committee. He was considered very close to ex-USDP chair and Aung San Suu Kyi’s most important ally Thura Shwe Mann.

Although he was re-elected as a USDP representative for the same constituency in 2015 and later resigned from the party, he became deputy speaker with NLD support.

The man on the bench: Htun Htun Oo - Union Chief Justice (Union Rank 7)

U Htun Htun Oo has been a captain in Southwestern Regional Military Command and a major in the Office of the Military Advocate General. He served as Myanmar’s deputy chief justice from 2007 to 2011.

He was nominated as Chief Justice by President Thein Sein in February 2011. Although he became the chief justice before the NLD took power, it is notable that an ex-military officer holds the highest judicial position in the country during the NLD’s term.

The 62-year-old will serve for another 8 years until he reaches the mandatory retirement age of 70.

The ex-spin doctor: Thein Swe - Minister of Labour, Immigration and Population (Union Rank 14)

U Thein Swe, another ex-military officer, served as spokesperson for the USDP and was close to former party chair Thura Shwe Mann. He was also the minister of transport during military rule. In 2015 he became the Pyithu Hluttaw representative for Ann Township in Rakhine.

In May, a businessman referred Thein Swe to the Anti-Corruption Commission, alleging that he had collected improper extra charges from Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand to issue ID certificates, Nyang News Media reported. He denied rumours that he was being investigated by the Commission, local 7Day Daily reported in June. An anti-corruption commissioner did not comment on this although another commissioner admitted that Thein Swe’s name was among those referred in the complaint letters President Win Myint had referred to the Commission.

The minister and the monks: Thura Aung Ko - Minister of Religious Affairs and Culture (Union Rank 14)

A former brigadier-general in the Tatmadaw, Thura Aung Ko also used to be a member of the Central Executive Committee of the USDP.

He was the Deputy Minister for Religious Affairs when the military government was in power, and was included in a 2003 list of officials subject to visa bans and asset freezes by the EU.

He won the 2010 election for Kanpetlet constituency in Chin State, and became the chair of parliamentary judicial complaints committee.

During his tenure as an MP, he openly pledged to remove corrupt judges and actively pushed to amend the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law to remove a clause that prohibits protesting without permission.

Like other USDP figures who have been embraced by the NLD, he was close to Shwe Mann, and helped get himself in the NLD’s good books by negotiating to include them in 2012 by-election. Although he lost his seat in the 2015 general elections, the NLD government appointed him as the Minister of Religious Affairs and Culture.

As the man responsible for declaring anti-Muslim Ma Ba Tha unlawful last year, at least nominally, he has drawn the ire of Buddhist nationalists.

But he has also been accused of intolerance himself: last month he appeared to label the Islamic faith as “extreme” during a speech at the funeral ceremony of Myaing Gyi Ngu Sayadaw, a respected ethnic Karen Buddhist monk who had substantial influence over a Karen ethnic armed group as well as over many Karen Buddhists.

The generals’ diplomat: Kyaw Tint Swe - Union Minister of the State Counsellor’s Office (Union Rank 14)

The 73-year-old U Kyaw Tint Swe is not an ex-military official, but he served as a diplomat for many terms under successive military governments.

He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1968, and served as Myanmar’s ambassador to Israel, Malaysia, Germany, Thailand and Japan.

From 2001 to 2010, he was the Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations, where he defended the military government against accusations of widespread human rights violations.

He was also the vice-chair of the National Human Rights Commission under President Thein Sein’s government, and a member of the Letpadaung Investigation Commission, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, to inquire the controversial Chinese-backed copper mine project in central Myanmar in 2013.

‘Don’t rock the boat’: Thaung Tun - Minister of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations (Union Rank 14)

In the mid-2000s, while Aung San Suu Kyi was still under house arrest, U Thaung Tun warned that she “must not rock the boat” by protesting the junta-led national constitutional convention.

The State Counsellor clearly shares his penchant for putting stability above partisanship; Thaung Tun was recently appointed minister of the newly-established Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations.

The posting follows roles as National Security Advisor, which he took up in early 2017, and chair of the Myanmar Investment Commission, which he took up in June.

Thaung Tun joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1972, and served as a diplomat in many countries under the military regime. He made the comment about Aung San Suu Kyi while he was Myanmar’s ambassador to the Philippines in 2006.

The man with wings: Min Thu - Minister of the Office of the Union Government (Union Rank 14)

A trained pilot, U Min Thu retired from his post as a colonel in the Myanmar Air Force in the early 2000s, later flying passenger jets for local airlines.

He has a bachelor’s degree in Science from the Defence Services Academy, and a master’s in defence studies, according to his profile released by the president’s office. He became a member of the USDP after leaving the military.

After being appointed deputy minister of the Office of the President in May 2016, he accompanied the state counsellor to diplomatic functions and on foreign trips. He was promoted to his current position in order to fill the vacancy left by Thaung Tun last month.

Sources close to the minister said Min Thu and his wife, attorney Lwin May Thein, have long had a close relationship with Aung San Suu Kyi.

U Htin Kyaw’s AG: Tun Tun Oo - Union Attorney-General (Union Rank 15)

U Tun Tun Oo, a former major general in the Tatmadaw, was appointed union attorney-general by then President Htin Kyaw in March 2016.

Under Thein Sein’s government, he served as deputy attorney general, and was appointed as chair to draft two of the four controversial race and religion laws.

The graft guy who catches small fish: Aung Kyi - Chair of the Anti-Corruption Commission (no union rank)

Another former Tatmadaw major general, U Aung Kyi served as labour minister during military rule. After the monks-led Saffron Revolution in 2007, he was appointed as a minister without portfolio to help mediate between Senior General Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi.

Although he met with Aung San Suu Kyi nine times while in this role, talks were strained as the Tatmadaw refused to compromise as The Lady protested the 2008 constitution and the 2010 general elections.

U Aung Kyi served as information minister from 2012 to 2014 in President Thein Sein’s cabinet, and has been chair of the Anti-Corruption Commission since November 2017.

Since taking the position, he has taken action against some corrupt low and medium ranked government officials. But he has openly said that the commission could not investigate corrupt military officers due to a clause in the constitution.

The President who never was: Thura Shwe Mann - Chair of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission (no union rank)

Former general Thura Shwe Mann, arguably Aung San Suu Kyi’s most important military-linked ally, was once the third most senior member of the military government and the right-hand man of Senior General Than Shwe.

He graduated from the Defence Services Academy, Intake 11, and was quickly promoted to top government positions as he commanded a number of victorious battles.

He closely monitored the purge of Intelligence Chief General Khin Nyunt in 2004, and once declared that “no one is above the law.” He was also considered an important official for relations with North Korea during military rule. 

He resigned from his military position before the 2010 election, and won the election as a USDP representative for Zeyarthiri constituency in Nay Pyi Taw. Despite persistent pre-election rumours that he would become the first post-junta era president, Than Shwe chose Thein Sein over him, and he only managed to bag a role as the speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw.

Following some NLD MPs’ arrival to parliament in 2012, military hardliners appear unimpressed with Shwe Mann’s relationship with Aung San Suu Kyi. And she is believed to regularly take his advice regarding the relations with military.

Many assume his dramatic ouster from the USDP chair position in 2015 was a result of his close relationship with the NLD leader.

Although he has not secured a union rank position under the NLD government, he is still a powerful politician as he was appointed chair of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission created by the NLD government.

*List compiled according to the union ranks given in the state gazette.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading