The NLD’s rising star is business partners with a senior official from the military’s proxy party

Ye Min Oo is tipped to be the next chief minister of Yangon, but he has deep ties to military-linked corporations 

Ye Min Oo and Nandar Hla Myint, leading figures from two rival parties and also business partners

He is one of the ruling party’s fastest rising stars, and is tipped to take on a career-defining role as Yangon’s chief minister, aged 44, after Sunday’s election.  

Ye Min Oo has served on the National League for Democracy (NLD) party’s influential information and economic committees and last year was appointed deputy mayor of Naypyitaw. 

He has served as Yangon’s regional finance and planning minister since June this year, and on Sunday he hopes to win a regional seat in Yangon’s Dagon township.

In a party led mostly by geriatric veterans of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the charismatic Yangon native hopes to play a leading role among a new cohort of younger leaders. 

 

 

But while he is relatively young and relatively new to politics, Ye Min Oo is deeply tied to the old military establishment via his various business interests. 

He is involved in numerous companies that link him to military cronies and, in one case, a senior member of the opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the military’s proxy. 

 

 

His current and former roles at different companies, many of which he has held while in public office, raise questions about potential conflicts of interest, an investigation by Myanmar Now has found. 

One of his companies, the one linked to the USDP, is also over 9bn kyat ($7m) in debt, and an MP has raised doubts that the firm will be able to generate enough income to repay it. 

 

Taxpayer-funded housing project years behind schedule  

Ye Min Oo is in a fraught business partnership with Nandar Hla Myint, the 44-year-old spokesperson for the USDP. 

The two own companies that have invested in a taxpayer funded housing project in Shan state that is worth billions of kyat and which has been stalled for years. 

Ye Min Oo’s construction company, Grand National Capital (GNC), was set up in 2014 to serve as a subcontractor for Min Kyan Sit, another construction firm owned by Nandar Hla Myint. 

Ye Min Oo’s wife, Aye Nandar Sein, was listed alongside him as director at GNC, which is registered in Yangon and Shan state. 

Min Kyan Sit won a contract from the Shan state government to build a residential complex called Aye Tharyar to provide housing for retired civil servants in Taunggyi.

The complex, funded with the state’s regional development budget, was due to include 133 five-storey buildings, each of which would contain 20 apartments. 

The Shan state government called a public tender for the project, but even before the winner had been announced, Nandar Hla Myint had ordered workers to begin surveying and clearing the land at the construction site, said Aung Win, managing director of A2Z, a construction company involved in the project.

Nandar Hla Myint and Ye Min Oo also met up with other entrepreneurs in the construction for negotiations before the bid winner was announced, other participants in the project told Myanmar Now.

A2Z built four of the five-storey buildings as agreed, Aung Win said, but never received the agreed fee for doing so. In 2015 he sued Min Kyan Sit in a bid to recover the money. The case is ongoing.

The contract between Min Kyan Sit and GNC, signed in September 2014, said GNC would build 48 five-storey buildings for the project.

Min Kyan Sit was to take responsibility for having the remaining units built, and hand the housing project over to the Shan state government by June 2017. But the project was never finished. 

The company took out a 4bn kyat ($3.1m) loan from the Shan state government in order to fund the project, and was due to pay it back by handing a portion of the apartments to the government to be used as public housing. The company would then be allowed to sell the remaining properties for a profit. But it failed to finish the project, and with interest now owes the government 6bn kyat.  

The company had agreed to give GNC over 5bn kyat ($3.8m) to build the 48 buildings it had signed on for, but GNC never got the money, and so halted its operations at the Taunggyi site in 2015. 

In 2017, Ye Min Oo appealed to the Shan state government to be allowed to continue the construction of the apartments under GNC’s name, since Min Kyan Sit was not in a position to pay back its debt.

Representatives from GNC then came to meet the Shan state cabinet to negotiate permission to continue with the project in late 2019, a Shan state MP told Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity. 

In September 2019 Ye Min Oo resigned from the board of directors at GNC. His wife Aye Nandar Sein still serves as GNC’s managing director.

On April 4 this year, the Shan state government called a meeting with Min Kyan Sit and GNC to find a solution for the stalled housing project. Ye Min Oo was present at the meeting despite the fact he has officially left the company, Shan state cabinet secretary Nay Lin told Myanmar Now.

Under a contract made at the meeting, and seen by Myanmar Now, Nandar Hla Myint’s company agreed to pay 1.6bn kyat by March 2021 while Ye Min Oo’s agreed to pay 2.4bn kyat within 60 days of the meeting. 

The Shan state government will also take an extra 300 apartments in lieu of the 2bn kyat of accrued interest, the agreement said.  

Deep in debt 

Ye Min Oo’s company has passed the deadline to pay back the debt and sent a letter to the Shan state cabinet appealing for an extension until January next year, Nay Lin said. 

“He requested an extension because of the current Covid-19 situation. The cabinet will make a decision based on this application, probably on November 13, after the election.

Sai Zay Seng, GNC’s director, told Myanmar Now in early October that GNC’s operations on the housing project would resume in November after the election.

In 2016, GNC mortgaged the machinery it had bought for the Aye Tharyar housing project for 7bn kyat ($5.4m) from a local private bank. By June this year the total amount outstanding, including interest, was over 9.7bn kyat, according to an NLD MP who is a member of the parliamentary committee overseeing finance and business affairs.

“We don’t even know if he still has the mortgaged machinery,” said the MP who asked not to be named out of fear of repercussions from within his party.

He is keeping an eye on GNC since the company does not have a source of income to pay off the debt, the MP added.

Myanmar Now contacted Ye Min Oo several times for comment on the Aye Tharyar project and the outstanding loan. Late last month he replied via Facebook messenger.

“I have no comments on this. If you are confident this is correct, please go ahead and write about it,” he wrote. 

Nanda Hla Myint also refused to comment on the partnership and referred Myanmar Now to the Shan regional cabinet.

Conflict of interest?

Ye Min Oo held high ranking positions at the Htoo Group and its subsidiary, AGD Bank, owned by well-known military crony Tay Za, before resigning in 2014. 

He then founded GNC, Sky Capital and Atlas Veritas Aequitas (AVA). And he worked as a director, chair, or consultant as several financial companies and private entities. Myanmar Now found at least nine companies where he held managing roles.

He was appointed chair of Naypyitaw Sibin Bank in early 2019, just months before he became vice mayor of Naypyitaw. 

Records from the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) show that Ye Min Oo remained in several senior roles at private companies while serving in public office.

He continued to manage Goen Mandalay, Elite Telecom, AVA, Pinus Pinaster, Inle Future Development and GNC even after becoming a high-ranking government official. 

He was the chair of the Rakhine Coastline Development Public Company until September 2019, and a director at Pinus Pinaster Limited and Elite Telecom until November and December 2019. 

While he eventually resigned from the majority of those companies between September and December last year, he stayed on at two of them until early this year and October. His wife Aye Nandar Sein replaced him as either chair or a director at most of the companies he left.

And even though Ye Min Oo left the Htoo Group in 2014, it appears he remains closely linked to Tay Za. 

Directors at Elite Telecom, where Ye Min Oo worked until December 20, also hold high-ranking positions at the Htoo Group, DICA records show.

Chang Kwan Lu, also known as Zaw Mynn, is a director at Elite Telecom and a close confidant of Tay Za. He is also a director at Htoo Jewelry and a patron of the Htoo Foundation.

Documents published by Wikileaks show that Chang Kwan Lu helped negotiate the deal with the Chinese company Wanbao to invest in the controversial Letpadaung copper mine. 

Myanmar does not have specific laws barring regional ministers from serving in senior positions in the private sector while in office, but Ye Min Oo’s close ties to military-linked corporations suggest he may face serious conflicts of interest if he is appointed Yangon’s chief minister. 

Earlier this year, two directors from Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a military conglomerate, were made to resign because they also led the government’s customs department and the Myanma Port Authority.

Their resignations came after Myanmar Now reported on the potential conflict of interest; MEHL has sweeping import and export operations. The President’s Office said at the time that the directors were in violation of vaguely worded sections of the 2013 Civil Service Personnel Law.  

Although Ye Min Oo has held senior roles at multiple private companies while in government office, the President’s Office has so far not felt obliged to act in the same way it did against the MEHL directors. 

The President's Office did not respond to Myanmar Now’s request for comment on whether Ye Min Oo may also be in violation of the civil service law. 

The law does not explicitly bar public officials from holding positions at private companies, but it does require the officials to follow regulations set by their departments, which may include bans on holding such positions. 

Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator at Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, said that while Myanmar still does not have strong regulations to prevent conflicts of interest, all candidates for public office should be made to disclose their business assets, as well as those of their relatives. 

“We welcome young people and business owners who participate in politics but transparency is the key aspect,” he said. “What is more important is that those who are high-ranking officials and hold political positions in the cabinet need to disclose their assets and businesses transparently.” 

The NLD’s spokesperson and central executive committee members refused to comment on Ye Min Oo’s business interests.

In an interview with 7Day news earlier this year, Ye Min Oo said that even though he had met several top military officials in his life, he has never asked anything of them.

“I have never associated with anyone to perpetuate an unfair advantage or to get a project,” he told the newspaper.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

155930399_2092664367568616_7441378699305917845_n.jpeg

A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading