The NLD’s rising star is business partners with a senior official from the military’s proxy party

Ye Min Oo is tipped to be the next chief minister of Yangon, but he has deep ties to military-linked corporations 

Ye Min Oo and Nandar Hla Myint, leading figures from two rival parties and also business partners

He is one of the ruling party’s fastest rising stars, and is tipped to take on a career-defining role as Yangon’s chief minister, aged 44, after Sunday’s election.  

Ye Min Oo has served on the National League for Democracy (NLD) party’s influential information and economic committees and last year was appointed deputy mayor of Naypyitaw. 

He has served as Yangon’s regional finance and planning minister since June this year, and on Sunday he hopes to win a regional seat in Yangon’s Dagon township.

In a party led mostly by geriatric veterans of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the charismatic Yangon native hopes to play a leading role among a new cohort of younger leaders. 

 

 

But while he is relatively young and relatively new to politics, Ye Min Oo is deeply tied to the old military establishment via his various business interests. 

He is involved in numerous companies that link him to military cronies and, in one case, a senior member of the opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the military’s proxy. 

 

 

His current and former roles at different companies, many of which he has held while in public office, raise questions about potential conflicts of interest, an investigation by Myanmar Now has found. 

One of his companies, the one linked to the USDP, is also over 9bn kyat ($7m) in debt, and an MP has raised doubts that the firm will be able to generate enough income to repay it. 

 

Taxpayer-funded housing project years behind schedule  

Ye Min Oo is in a fraught business partnership with Nandar Hla Myint, the 44-year-old spokesperson for the USDP. 

The two own companies that have invested in a taxpayer funded housing project in Shan state that is worth billions of kyat and which has been stalled for years. 

Ye Min Oo’s construction company, Grand National Capital (GNC), was set up in 2014 to serve as a subcontractor for Min Kyan Sit, another construction firm owned by Nandar Hla Myint. 

Ye Min Oo’s wife, Aye Nandar Sein, was listed alongside him as director at GNC, which is registered in Yangon and Shan state. 

Min Kyan Sit won a contract from the Shan state government to build a residential complex called Aye Tharyar to provide housing for retired civil servants in Taunggyi.

The complex, funded with the state’s regional development budget, was due to include 133 five-storey buildings, each of which would contain 20 apartments. 

The Shan state government called a public tender for the project, but even before the winner had been announced, Nandar Hla Myint had ordered workers to begin surveying and clearing the land at the construction site, said Aung Win, managing director of A2Z, a construction company involved in the project.

Nandar Hla Myint and Ye Min Oo also met up with other entrepreneurs in the construction for negotiations before the bid winner was announced, other participants in the project told Myanmar Now.

A2Z built four of the five-storey buildings as agreed, Aung Win said, but never received the agreed fee for doing so. In 2015 he sued Min Kyan Sit in a bid to recover the money. The case is ongoing.

The contract between Min Kyan Sit and GNC, signed in September 2014, said GNC would build 48 five-storey buildings for the project.

Min Kyan Sit was to take responsibility for having the remaining units built, and hand the housing project over to the Shan state government by June 2017. But the project was never finished. 

The company took out a 4bn kyat ($3.1m) loan from the Shan state government in order to fund the project, and was due to pay it back by handing a portion of the apartments to the government to be used as public housing. The company would then be allowed to sell the remaining properties for a profit. But it failed to finish the project, and with interest now owes the government 6bn kyat.  

The company had agreed to give GNC over 5bn kyat ($3.8m) to build the 48 buildings it had signed on for, but GNC never got the money, and so halted its operations at the Taunggyi site in 2015. 

In 2017, Ye Min Oo appealed to the Shan state government to be allowed to continue the construction of the apartments under GNC’s name, since Min Kyan Sit was not in a position to pay back its debt.

Representatives from GNC then came to meet the Shan state cabinet to negotiate permission to continue with the project in late 2019, a Shan state MP told Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity. 

In September 2019 Ye Min Oo resigned from the board of directors at GNC. His wife Aye Nandar Sein still serves as GNC’s managing director.

On April 4 this year, the Shan state government called a meeting with Min Kyan Sit and GNC to find a solution for the stalled housing project. Ye Min Oo was present at the meeting despite the fact he has officially left the company, Shan state cabinet secretary Nay Lin told Myanmar Now.

Under a contract made at the meeting, and seen by Myanmar Now, Nandar Hla Myint’s company agreed to pay 1.6bn kyat by March 2021 while Ye Min Oo’s agreed to pay 2.4bn kyat within 60 days of the meeting. 

The Shan state government will also take an extra 300 apartments in lieu of the 2bn kyat of accrued interest, the agreement said.  

Deep in debt 

Ye Min Oo’s company has passed the deadline to pay back the debt and sent a letter to the Shan state cabinet appealing for an extension until January next year, Nay Lin said. 

“He requested an extension because of the current Covid-19 situation. The cabinet will make a decision based on this application, probably on November 13, after the election.

Sai Zay Seng, GNC’s director, told Myanmar Now in early October that GNC’s operations on the housing project would resume in November after the election.

In 2016, GNC mortgaged the machinery it had bought for the Aye Tharyar housing project for 7bn kyat ($5.4m) from a local private bank. By June this year the total amount outstanding, including interest, was over 9.7bn kyat, according to an NLD MP who is a member of the parliamentary committee overseeing finance and business affairs.

“We don’t even know if he still has the mortgaged machinery,” said the MP who asked not to be named out of fear of repercussions from within his party.

He is keeping an eye on GNC since the company does not have a source of income to pay off the debt, the MP added.

Myanmar Now contacted Ye Min Oo several times for comment on the Aye Tharyar project and the outstanding loan. Late last month he replied via Facebook messenger.

“I have no comments on this. If you are confident this is correct, please go ahead and write about it,” he wrote. 

Nanda Hla Myint also refused to comment on the partnership and referred Myanmar Now to the Shan regional cabinet.

Conflict of interest?

Ye Min Oo held high ranking positions at the Htoo Group and its subsidiary, AGD Bank, owned by well-known military crony Tay Za, before resigning in 2014. 

He then founded GNC, Sky Capital and Atlas Veritas Aequitas (AVA). And he worked as a director, chair, or consultant as several financial companies and private entities. Myanmar Now found at least nine companies where he held managing roles.

He was appointed chair of Naypyitaw Sibin Bank in early 2019, just months before he became vice mayor of Naypyitaw. 

Records from the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) show that Ye Min Oo remained in several senior roles at private companies while serving in public office.

He continued to manage Goen Mandalay, Elite Telecom, AVA, Pinus Pinaster, Inle Future Development and GNC even after becoming a high-ranking government official. 

He was the chair of the Rakhine Coastline Development Public Company until September 2019, and a director at Pinus Pinaster Limited and Elite Telecom until November and December 2019. 

While he eventually resigned from the majority of those companies between September and December last year, he stayed on at two of them until early this year and October. His wife Aye Nandar Sein replaced him as either chair or a director at most of the companies he left.

And even though Ye Min Oo left the Htoo Group in 2014, it appears he remains closely linked to Tay Za. 

Directors at Elite Telecom, where Ye Min Oo worked until December 20, also hold high-ranking positions at the Htoo Group, DICA records show.

Chang Kwan Lu, also known as Zaw Mynn, is a director at Elite Telecom and a close confidant of Tay Za. He is also a director at Htoo Jewelry and a patron of the Htoo Foundation.

Documents published by Wikileaks show that Chang Kwan Lu helped negotiate the deal with the Chinese company Wanbao to invest in the controversial Letpadaung copper mine. 

Myanmar does not have specific laws barring regional ministers from serving in senior positions in the private sector while in office, but Ye Min Oo’s close ties to military-linked corporations suggest he may face serious conflicts of interest if he is appointed Yangon’s chief minister. 

Earlier this year, two directors from Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a military conglomerate, were made to resign because they also led the government’s customs department and the Myanma Port Authority.

Their resignations came after Myanmar Now reported on the potential conflict of interest; MEHL has sweeping import and export operations. The President’s Office said at the time that the directors were in violation of vaguely worded sections of the 2013 Civil Service Personnel Law.  

Although Ye Min Oo has held senior roles at multiple private companies while in government office, the President’s Office has so far not felt obliged to act in the same way it did against the MEHL directors. 

The President's Office did not respond to Myanmar Now’s request for comment on whether Ye Min Oo may also be in violation of the civil service law. 

The law does not explicitly bar public officials from holding positions at private companies, but it does require the officials to follow regulations set by their departments, which may include bans on holding such positions. 

Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator at Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, said that while Myanmar still does not have strong regulations to prevent conflicts of interest, all candidates for public office should be made to disclose their business assets, as well as those of their relatives. 

“We welcome young people and business owners who participate in politics but transparency is the key aspect,” he said. “What is more important is that those who are high-ranking officials and hold political positions in the cabinet need to disclose their assets and businesses transparently.” 

The NLD’s spokesperson and central executive committee members refused to comment on Ye Min Oo’s business interests.

In an interview with 7Day news earlier this year, Ye Min Oo said that even though he had met several top military officials in his life, he has never asked anything of them.

“I have never associated with anyone to perpetuate an unfair advantage or to get a project,” he told the newspaper.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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