The case of the vanishing vaccines

It took just one week for police to find the culprits responsible for the disappearance of nearly $35,000 worth of vaccines

People pass the central vaccine depot on Min Dhama road on January 6. (Photo: Sai Zaw / Myanmar Now)

Ko Pauk, a night watchman who has worked for several years at the central vaccine storehouse on Min Dhama road in Yangon, started the New Year facing intense scrutiny from the police.

Days earlier, he and his colleagues had been braving sub-zero temperatures in a refrigerated storeroom, doing a complete end-of-year inventory of the depot’s supply of vaccines. 

To their consternation, they discovered that they were missing 480 doses of the hepatitis B vaccine, 700 doses of the vaccine for severe pneumonia, and 5,810 doses of the HPV vaccine, used to prevent cervical cancer. In total, 46 million kyat ($34,600) worth of vaccines had disappeared.

At first they thought there might have been a shipping error. But after checking and double-checking their records and confirming the amounts they had sent to hospitals, they concluded that theft was the only possible explanation.

 

 

At this point, Ko Pauk began to worry. Since he spent his nights at the storehouse, he knew that he would come under suspicion.

He sounded angry as he recalled his thoughts at the time. 

 

 

“I don’t know who took these drugs. If I knew, I would say so right away. Now even I am under a cloud, as I often go in and out of the freezer room,” he said of his initial reaction.

This was the first time anything like this had ever happened at the vaccine storehouse. With two people guarding it around the clock, it was difficult for anyone who worked there to imagine how a thief—or thieves—could have made off with so much of their supply.

It was on December 28 that health officials first learned about the missing vaccines. They immediately reported the matter to the police, and together they began an investigation. All 14 employees at the depot, including some young staff members who were new to their jobs there, were grilled over the next 24 hours. But the investigators came up empty. 

“They wanted to know everything. They asked me what I did before I got this job,” said Ko Pauk. “And they talked to everyone. They even sent some young people who know nothing to the police station.”

Following the trail

With no security cameras installed anywhere in the facility, and with no leads emerging from the testimony of employees, police were forced to look elsewhere for evidence.

According to Thant Zin Oo, a police sub-lieutenant at the Bayintnaung police station in Mayangone township, six teams were formed to search local pharmacies for the stolen vaccines.  

They soon got a lucky break. Their efforts turned up a vial of the HPV vaccine that had the same lot number as one of the missing batches.

They made this discovery at a pharmacy on 27th Street in Pabedan township on December 29. After raiding the home of Tin Aye (also known as Mohammed Eliak), the owner of the pharmacy, they found another 72 doses of the HPV vaccine.

Further investigation revealed that Tin Aye purchased the vaccines from someone he identified as Sloda Juu, a pharmaceutical dealer who sells to his customers over the phone. 

Sloda Juu, who also goes by the name Soe Myint, became their next target.

Finding the insider

A raid on Sloda Juu’s home yielded four more boxes of misappropriated medicine and revealed his inside source: a junior clerk at the central vaccine depot named Wunna Tun.

On January 4, one week after the vaccines were first reported missing, police announced that they had arrested three suspects in the case, including Sloda Juu and Wunna Tun, and named three more.

Thant Zin Oo, the police sub-lieutenant, said Wunna Tun had smuggled drugs out of the storehouse on two occasions, each time while staff and guards were on their lunch break. His main distributor was Sloda Juu, he added.

Almost all of the missing vaccines were recovered. Only 297 of the 5,810 missing doses of the HPV vaccine could not be accounted for. 

Thant Zin Oo condemned the theft of the vaccine from the central storehouse, as it had been set aside to be given free of charge to girls between the ages of 9 and 14 to help protect them from the risk of contracting cervical cancer later in life. 

Each dose of the vaccine sold for 33,000 kyat ($25) on the black market, he said, while private hospitals and clinics offered it at an even heftier price—150,000 kyat ($112) per dose.

He added that while this was the first such case that local police had prosecuted, it was likely that the scale of the problem was much bigger than previously realized. 

“We never know how big the black market is,” he said.

Dr Khin Khin Gyi, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Health and Sports, also highlighted the importance of public access to vaccines. He noted that illnesses that are easily prevented with a vaccine can have a devastating impact on poor families.

Case closed

Police said that all six suspects would be charged under section 6(1) of the Protection of Public Property Act, which carries a penalty of up to seven years in prison, a lashing, or both, as well as a fine. 

Wunna Tun is accused of smuggling the drugs out of the storehouse in bags used to dispose of waste. 

Although he managed to act without attracting the suspicion of his colleagues and was able to pass the initial police investigation, he has since confessed to his crimes. 

Ko Pauk, the security guard who feared he would end up behind bars, said that he and the rest of the staff were relieved that the case was resolved so swiftly.

“There was a great possibility that I would have been accused of taking the vaccines, because I stay here 24 hours a day. I was also worried about some of our young staff members. If Wunna Gyi hadn’t confessed, we could all have ended up in prison.”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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