The battle over Yangon’s Dala Bridge

A bridge over the Yangon River could transform the lives of locals commuting to the city on disaster-prone boats, but private port operators see a threat.

Published on Jul 6, 2018
Published on Jul 6, 2018
Dala Bridge model. (Ministry of Construction / Facebook)
Dala Bridge model. (Ministry of Construction / Facebook)

In 1934, when the British built the Ava Bridge, spanning the Irrawaddy River between Sagaing and Ava (or Inwa) close to Mandalay, the poet Nandawshay Hsaya Tin composed a lament for the sampan rowers who’d be put out of work.

“Sampan rowers fall asleep now the bridge is finished / Burmese are out of a job / Crying / looking at the bridge,” the song went.

Bridges over major rivers can transform local, as well as national, economies. But not everyone’s in favour of building a US$168 million bridge linking the congested downtown of Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, with the poor and largely rural township of Dala south of the Yangon River.

Dala locals, many of who have to commute to the city on ferries or disaster-prone long-tail boats, have expressed support for the bridge, and their representatives in parliament have been lobbying for it hard. Even boat captains whose livelihoods are seemingly threatened have acknowledged the benefits it would bring.

 

 

The bridge would provide safer and more convenient passage to an estimated 1.5 million people who live in Yangon’s Southern District, where Dala is located. Pipes included in the bridge’s design would also alleviate water scarcity during the March-May hot season. Without a bridge, the river cuts off the district from the city’s growing prosperity.

The main source of opposition comes from the operators of privately operated ports strung along the riverbank, and their allies in the Myanma Port Authority, who worry that, unless high and long enough, the bridge could restrict the passage of large container ships. Together, these ports account for more than 90 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade.

 

 

Meanwhile, discrepancies in the designs held by different government departments have slowed compromise. However, the project—intended to start early this year—seems to be gathering steam, with the construction ministry announcing late last month that construction would begin by the end of the year under a revised design.

But is everyone truly on board?

A clash of measurements

According to an agreement reached in 2012, South Korea’s Economic Development Cooperation Fund will back the bridge, connecting Phone Gyi Street in downtown Yangon and Bo Min Yaung Street in Dala, with a $138 million loan from the Export-Import Bank of Korea. The government said it would contribute $30 million.

However, the Myanma Port Authority, under the Ministry of Transport and Communication, vetoed the design, saying the bridge’s proposed height and width would bar large ships.

The Port Authority requested the proposed height be extended to 60 metres, or that an underground tunnel be considered instead. The Ministry of Construction countered that the riverbed is too soft for a tunnel and the cost would anyway be too high.

A compromise solution was announced in August 2013. However, the reports published by the construction ministry and the Port Authority, both seen by Myanmar Now, put the proposed length of the bridge at 300 and 350 metres respectively. Both proposed the same height, 54 metres.

The construction ministry later issued a plan with the length at 251 metres (equivalent to two and a half football pitches), aided by piers jutting into the water, and the height at 49 metres. The Port Authority requested an increase in length by at least 50 metres and in height by five metres. Otherwise, they said, the county’s economy would suffer.

“We are not against the construction of the bridge. We are only giving advice because we don’t want to go down badly in history,” U Ni Aung, managing director of the Port Authority, told a press conference in Yangon on 12 June.

But the Ministry of Construction put its foot down, saying their design had already been approved by Parliament.

U Kyaw Kaung Cho, chief engineer at the Department of Bridges in the Ministry of Construction, said a length of 251 metres would leave plenty of room even for 15,000-tonne vessels measuring 167 metres.

“We didn’t calculate these measurements ourselves. They replicate standards in Korea and Japan,” said Kyaw Kaung Cho. He explained that larger vessels would dock at Thilawa Port, downstream from Yangon and close to a special economic zone,

 

A political ploy?

Representatives for Dala Township in the Yangon Region parliament say the Port Authority is merely shielding the interests of private port operators through its objections.

“The Ministry of Transport and Communications doesn’t know what’s really going on because they only listen to a group of crony businessmen,” said U Htun Yin of Dala constituency-1.

Major ports upriver from the proposed bridge include Myanmar Industrial Port, Asia World Port, and Myanmar Economic Corporation Port.

However, Asia World told Myanmar Now in an email that they did not oppose the Dala bridge project.

But Myanmar Industrial Port has objected strongly, according to regional parliamentarians.

The port, established in 2003, is owned by Myanmar Annawa Swan-er-shin Group (S) Co. Ltd. The previous government of President U Thein Sein granted it a 30-year lease in 2012 for 17 acres owned by the Port Authority.

It has been in the spotlight since May when port authorities in Malaysia discovered 1.2 tonnes of crystal methamphetamine, worth an estimated $18 million, that had been shipped from the port in Yangon.

Myanmar Now tried to contact Myanmar Industrial Port more than 15 times, via email and phone, to enquire both about their objections to bridge and about their failure to prevent a giant shipment of illicit drugs, but received no reply.

According to a report issued by the Ministry of Construction in August last year, the port oversees 40 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade and is situated close to the proposed bridge, whose structure would seemingly block ships’ access to the port’s piers.

Regional parliamentarians said the port operators sent more than five letters last year, addressed to the Yangon Region and Union governments, requesting design changes.

More recently, the port managed to get the ear of President U Win Myint, who assumed office in March, and of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Regional parliamentarians said the State Counsellor asked Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein to resolve the dispute speedily.

Htun Yin called the objections a “political ploy,” saying the port operators’ aim was to stop the bridge being built within the term of the current government, which will end in early 2021.

Regional parliamentarians said that the ports, which had gained a number of privileges under the previous Thein Sein government, not had objected to the bridge plan till the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government assumed office in 2016.

“The dispute arose when the current government tried to fulfil a promise made by the previous government,” said U Htwe Tin, who represents the other Dala constituency in the Yangon Region parliament.

The Port Authority, however, said they were only concerned about the “safe passage of ships.”

“We are only discussing the possible consequences. We have no reason to protect them,” Port Authority spokesperson U Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now in reference to private port operators.

A breakthrough

A breakthrough seemed apparent when, on 25 June, the Ministry of Construction announced in state media that a new design for the bridge would be drawn up and construction would start by the end of the year.

Kyaw Kaung Cho of the Department of Bridges told Myanmar Now the length would be widened to allow for a 301-metre waterway, up from 251 metres.

He said the Ministry of Transport and Communications had accepted the new design, which had been submitted to the President, with approval expected imminently.

However, Port Authority spokesperson Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now on 27 June that they had not been informed of the changes.

The Ministry of Construction says the new design requires a higher budget, to be announced soon, after discussions with the Ministry of Finance and Planning and the Export-Import Bank of Korea.

Region parliamentarian Htun Yin said an extra $19 million would be needed, though this has not been confirmed.

The earlier plan envisaged an early 2018 start date and completion by March 2021. The delay in settling on a plan will push completion back considerably.

Local support

Locals in Yangon’s Southern District told Myanmar Now they supported building the bridge, citing the danger of current daily river crossings.

Four people died when a long-tail boat capsized on 13 June. Deaths on the river are far from rare.

“Many people have died in front of our eyes [while crossing]. It happens at least three or four times a year. People come to think of it as normal,” said U Thein Han, administrator of Kamar Kasit Ward in Dala Township.

Those operating ferries and long-tail boats, whose livelihoods would be threatened, took a surprisingly similar view.

U Htun Myint, who has been running a long-tail boat for 20 years, acknowledges that his income might decrease but said he hopes the bridge will be finished soon because it is dangerous to travel on the river.

U Maung Maung Myint, secretary of the Kamar Kathwe ferry cooperative, told Myanmar Now, “Since we were young, hundreds of people have drowned in the river. The bridge would benefit thousands of people and we support it.”

Editing by Ben Dunant

 

Htun Khaing is Assistant Editor with Myanmar Now.

Win Nandar is a reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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