The battle over Yangon’s Dala Bridge

A bridge over the Yangon River could transform the lives of locals commuting to the city on disaster-prone boats, but private port operators see a threat.

Dala Bridge model. (Ministry of Construction / Facebook)

In 1934, when the British built the Ava Bridge, spanning the Irrawaddy River between Sagaing and Ava (or Inwa) close to Mandalay, the poet Nandawshay Hsaya Tin composed a lament for the sampan rowers who’d be put out of work.

“Sampan rowers fall asleep now the bridge is finished / Burmese are out of a job / Crying / looking at the bridge,” the song went.

Bridges over major rivers can transform local, as well as national, economies. But not everyone’s in favour of building a US$168 million bridge linking the congested downtown of Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, with the poor and largely rural township of Dala south of the Yangon River.

Dala locals, many of who have to commute to the city on ferries or disaster-prone long-tail boats, have expressed support for the bridge, and their representatives in parliament have been lobbying for it hard. Even boat captains whose livelihoods are seemingly threatened have acknowledged the benefits it would bring.

 

 

The bridge would provide safer and more convenient passage to an estimated 1.5 million people who live in Yangon’s Southern District, where Dala is located. Pipes included in the bridge’s design would also alleviate water scarcity during the March-May hot season. Without a bridge, the river cuts off the district from the city’s growing prosperity.

The main source of opposition comes from the operators of privately operated ports strung along the riverbank, and their allies in the Myanma Port Authority, who worry that, unless high and long enough, the bridge could restrict the passage of large container ships. Together, these ports account for more than 90 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade.

 

 

Meanwhile, discrepancies in the designs held by different government departments have slowed compromise. However, the project—intended to start early this year—seems to be gathering steam, with the construction ministry announcing late last month that construction would begin by the end of the year under a revised design.

But is everyone truly on board?

A clash of measurements

According to an agreement reached in 2012, South Korea’s Economic Development Cooperation Fund will back the bridge, connecting Phone Gyi Street in downtown Yangon and Bo Min Yaung Street in Dala, with a $138 million loan from the Export-Import Bank of Korea. The government said it would contribute $30 million.

However, the Myanma Port Authority, under the Ministry of Transport and Communication, vetoed the design, saying the bridge’s proposed height and width would bar large ships.

The Port Authority requested the proposed height be extended to 60 metres, or that an underground tunnel be considered instead. The Ministry of Construction countered that the riverbed is too soft for a tunnel and the cost would anyway be too high.

A compromise solution was announced in August 2013. However, the reports published by the construction ministry and the Port Authority, both seen by Myanmar Now, put the proposed length of the bridge at 300 and 350 metres respectively. Both proposed the same height, 54 metres.

The construction ministry later issued a plan with the length at 251 metres (equivalent to two and a half football pitches), aided by piers jutting into the water, and the height at 49 metres. The Port Authority requested an increase in length by at least 50 metres and in height by five metres. Otherwise, they said, the county’s economy would suffer.

“We are not against the construction of the bridge. We are only giving advice because we don’t want to go down badly in history,” U Ni Aung, managing director of the Port Authority, told a press conference in Yangon on 12 June.

But the Ministry of Construction put its foot down, saying their design had already been approved by Parliament.

U Kyaw Kaung Cho, chief engineer at the Department of Bridges in the Ministry of Construction, said a length of 251 metres would leave plenty of room even for 15,000-tonne vessels measuring 167 metres.

“We didn’t calculate these measurements ourselves. They replicate standards in Korea and Japan,” said Kyaw Kaung Cho. He explained that larger vessels would dock at Thilawa Port, downstream from Yangon and close to a special economic zone,

 

A political ploy?

Representatives for Dala Township in the Yangon Region parliament say the Port Authority is merely shielding the interests of private port operators through its objections.

“The Ministry of Transport and Communications doesn’t know what’s really going on because they only listen to a group of crony businessmen,” said U Htun Yin of Dala constituency-1.

Major ports upriver from the proposed bridge include Myanmar Industrial Port, Asia World Port, and Myanmar Economic Corporation Port.

However, Asia World told Myanmar Now in an email that they did not oppose the Dala bridge project.

But Myanmar Industrial Port has objected strongly, according to regional parliamentarians.

The port, established in 2003, is owned by Myanmar Annawa Swan-er-shin Group (S) Co. Ltd. The previous government of President U Thein Sein granted it a 30-year lease in 2012 for 17 acres owned by the Port Authority.

It has been in the spotlight since May when port authorities in Malaysia discovered 1.2 tonnes of crystal methamphetamine, worth an estimated $18 million, that had been shipped from the port in Yangon.

Myanmar Now tried to contact Myanmar Industrial Port more than 15 times, via email and phone, to enquire both about their objections to bridge and about their failure to prevent a giant shipment of illicit drugs, but received no reply.

According to a report issued by the Ministry of Construction in August last year, the port oversees 40 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade and is situated close to the proposed bridge, whose structure would seemingly block ships’ access to the port’s piers.

Regional parliamentarians said the port operators sent more than five letters last year, addressed to the Yangon Region and Union governments, requesting design changes.

More recently, the port managed to get the ear of President U Win Myint, who assumed office in March, and of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Regional parliamentarians said the State Counsellor asked Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein to resolve the dispute speedily.

Htun Yin called the objections a “political ploy,” saying the port operators’ aim was to stop the bridge being built within the term of the current government, which will end in early 2021.

Regional parliamentarians said that the ports, which had gained a number of privileges under the previous Thein Sein government, not had objected to the bridge plan till the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government assumed office in 2016.

“The dispute arose when the current government tried to fulfil a promise made by the previous government,” said U Htwe Tin, who represents the other Dala constituency in the Yangon Region parliament.

The Port Authority, however, said they were only concerned about the “safe passage of ships.”

“We are only discussing the possible consequences. We have no reason to protect them,” Port Authority spokesperson U Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now in reference to private port operators.

A breakthrough

A breakthrough seemed apparent when, on 25 June, the Ministry of Construction announced in state media that a new design for the bridge would be drawn up and construction would start by the end of the year.

Kyaw Kaung Cho of the Department of Bridges told Myanmar Now the length would be widened to allow for a 301-metre waterway, up from 251 metres.

He said the Ministry of Transport and Communications had accepted the new design, which had been submitted to the President, with approval expected imminently.

However, Port Authority spokesperson Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now on 27 June that they had not been informed of the changes.

The Ministry of Construction says the new design requires a higher budget, to be announced soon, after discussions with the Ministry of Finance and Planning and the Export-Import Bank of Korea.

Region parliamentarian Htun Yin said an extra $19 million would be needed, though this has not been confirmed.

The earlier plan envisaged an early 2018 start date and completion by March 2021. The delay in settling on a plan will push completion back considerably.

Local support

Locals in Yangon’s Southern District told Myanmar Now they supported building the bridge, citing the danger of current daily river crossings.

Four people died when a long-tail boat capsized on 13 June. Deaths on the river are far from rare.

“Many people have died in front of our eyes [while crossing]. It happens at least three or four times a year. People come to think of it as normal,” said U Thein Han, administrator of Kamar Kasit Ward in Dala Township.

Those operating ferries and long-tail boats, whose livelihoods would be threatened, took a surprisingly similar view.

U Htun Myint, who has been running a long-tail boat for 20 years, acknowledges that his income might decrease but said he hopes the bridge will be finished soon because it is dangerous to travel on the river.

U Maung Maung Myint, secretary of the Kamar Kathwe ferry cooperative, told Myanmar Now, “Since we were young, hundreds of people have drowned in the river. The bridge would benefit thousands of people and we support it.”

Editing by Ben Dunant

 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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