The battle over Yangon’s Dala Bridge

A bridge over the Yangon River could transform the lives of locals commuting to the city on disaster-prone boats, but private port operators see a threat.

Published on Jul 6, 2018
Published on Jul 6, 2018
Dala Bridge model. (Ministry of Construction / Facebook)
Dala Bridge model. (Ministry of Construction / Facebook)

In 1934, when the British built the Ava Bridge, spanning the Irrawaddy River between Sagaing and Ava (or Inwa) close to Mandalay, the poet Nandawshay Hsaya Tin composed a lament for the sampan rowers who’d be put out of work.

“Sampan rowers fall asleep now the bridge is finished / Burmese are out of a job / Crying / looking at the bridge,” the song went.

Bridges over major rivers can transform local, as well as national, economies. But not everyone’s in favour of building a US$168 million bridge linking the congested downtown of Yangon, Myanmar’s commercial capital, with the poor and largely rural township of Dala south of the Yangon River.

Dala locals, many of who have to commute to the city on ferries or disaster-prone long-tail boats, have expressed support for the bridge, and their representatives in parliament have been lobbying for it hard. Even boat captains whose livelihoods are seemingly threatened have acknowledged the benefits it would bring.

 

 

The bridge would provide safer and more convenient passage to an estimated 1.5 million people who live in Yangon’s Southern District, where Dala is located. Pipes included in the bridge’s design would also alleviate water scarcity during the March-May hot season. Without a bridge, the river cuts off the district from the city’s growing prosperity.

The main source of opposition comes from the operators of privately operated ports strung along the riverbank, and their allies in the Myanma Port Authority, who worry that, unless high and long enough, the bridge could restrict the passage of large container ships. Together, these ports account for more than 90 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade.

 

 

Meanwhile, discrepancies in the designs held by different government departments have slowed compromise. However, the project—intended to start early this year—seems to be gathering steam, with the construction ministry announcing late last month that construction would begin by the end of the year under a revised design.

But is everyone truly on board?

A clash of measurements

According to an agreement reached in 2012, South Korea’s Economic Development Cooperation Fund will back the bridge, connecting Phone Gyi Street in downtown Yangon and Bo Min Yaung Street in Dala, with a $138 million loan from the Export-Import Bank of Korea. The government said it would contribute $30 million.

However, the Myanma Port Authority, under the Ministry of Transport and Communication, vetoed the design, saying the bridge’s proposed height and width would bar large ships.

The Port Authority requested the proposed height be extended to 60 metres, or that an underground tunnel be considered instead. The Ministry of Construction countered that the riverbed is too soft for a tunnel and the cost would anyway be too high.

A compromise solution was announced in August 2013. However, the reports published by the construction ministry and the Port Authority, both seen by Myanmar Now, put the proposed length of the bridge at 300 and 350 metres respectively. Both proposed the same height, 54 metres.

The construction ministry later issued a plan with the length at 251 metres (equivalent to two and a half football pitches), aided by piers jutting into the water, and the height at 49 metres. The Port Authority requested an increase in length by at least 50 metres and in height by five metres. Otherwise, they said, the county’s economy would suffer.

“We are not against the construction of the bridge. We are only giving advice because we don’t want to go down badly in history,” U Ni Aung, managing director of the Port Authority, told a press conference in Yangon on 12 June.

But the Ministry of Construction put its foot down, saying their design had already been approved by Parliament.

U Kyaw Kaung Cho, chief engineer at the Department of Bridges in the Ministry of Construction, said a length of 251 metres would leave plenty of room even for 15,000-tonne vessels measuring 167 metres.

“We didn’t calculate these measurements ourselves. They replicate standards in Korea and Japan,” said Kyaw Kaung Cho. He explained that larger vessels would dock at Thilawa Port, downstream from Yangon and close to a special economic zone,

 

A political ploy?

Representatives for Dala Township in the Yangon Region parliament say the Port Authority is merely shielding the interests of private port operators through its objections.

“The Ministry of Transport and Communications doesn’t know what’s really going on because they only listen to a group of crony businessmen,” said U Htun Yin of Dala constituency-1.

Major ports upriver from the proposed bridge include Myanmar Industrial Port, Asia World Port, and Myanmar Economic Corporation Port.

However, Asia World told Myanmar Now in an email that they did not oppose the Dala bridge project.

But Myanmar Industrial Port has objected strongly, according to regional parliamentarians.

The port, established in 2003, is owned by Myanmar Annawa Swan-er-shin Group (S) Co. Ltd. The previous government of President U Thein Sein granted it a 30-year lease in 2012 for 17 acres owned by the Port Authority.

It has been in the spotlight since May when port authorities in Malaysia discovered 1.2 tonnes of crystal methamphetamine, worth an estimated $18 million, that had been shipped from the port in Yangon.

Myanmar Now tried to contact Myanmar Industrial Port more than 15 times, via email and phone, to enquire both about their objections to bridge and about their failure to prevent a giant shipment of illicit drugs, but received no reply.

According to a report issued by the Ministry of Construction in August last year, the port oversees 40 percent of Myanmar’s sea trade and is situated close to the proposed bridge, whose structure would seemingly block ships’ access to the port’s piers.

Regional parliamentarians said the port operators sent more than five letters last year, addressed to the Yangon Region and Union governments, requesting design changes.

More recently, the port managed to get the ear of President U Win Myint, who assumed office in March, and of State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Regional parliamentarians said the State Counsellor asked Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein to resolve the dispute speedily.

Htun Yin called the objections a “political ploy,” saying the port operators’ aim was to stop the bridge being built within the term of the current government, which will end in early 2021.

Regional parliamentarians said that the ports, which had gained a number of privileges under the previous Thein Sein government, not had objected to the bridge plan till the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government assumed office in 2016.

“The dispute arose when the current government tried to fulfil a promise made by the previous government,” said U Htwe Tin, who represents the other Dala constituency in the Yangon Region parliament.

The Port Authority, however, said they were only concerned about the “safe passage of ships.”

“We are only discussing the possible consequences. We have no reason to protect them,” Port Authority spokesperson U Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now in reference to private port operators.

A breakthrough

A breakthrough seemed apparent when, on 25 June, the Ministry of Construction announced in state media that a new design for the bridge would be drawn up and construction would start by the end of the year.

Kyaw Kaung Cho of the Department of Bridges told Myanmar Now the length would be widened to allow for a 301-metre waterway, up from 251 metres.

He said the Ministry of Transport and Communications had accepted the new design, which had been submitted to the President, with approval expected imminently.

However, Port Authority spokesperson Myo Nyein Aye told Myanmar Now on 27 June that they had not been informed of the changes.

The Ministry of Construction says the new design requires a higher budget, to be announced soon, after discussions with the Ministry of Finance and Planning and the Export-Import Bank of Korea.

Region parliamentarian Htun Yin said an extra $19 million would be needed, though this has not been confirmed.

The earlier plan envisaged an early 2018 start date and completion by March 2021. The delay in settling on a plan will push completion back considerably.

Local support

Locals in Yangon’s Southern District told Myanmar Now they supported building the bridge, citing the danger of current daily river crossings.

Four people died when a long-tail boat capsized on 13 June. Deaths on the river are far from rare.

“Many people have died in front of our eyes [while crossing]. It happens at least three or four times a year. People come to think of it as normal,” said U Thein Han, administrator of Kamar Kasit Ward in Dala Township.

Those operating ferries and long-tail boats, whose livelihoods would be threatened, took a surprisingly similar view.

U Htun Myint, who has been running a long-tail boat for 20 years, acknowledges that his income might decrease but said he hopes the bridge will be finished soon because it is dangerous to travel on the river.

U Maung Maung Myint, secretary of the Kamar Kathwe ferry cooperative, told Myanmar Now, “Since we were young, hundreds of people have drowned in the river. The bridge would benefit thousands of people and we support it.”

Editing by Ben Dunant

 

Htun Khaing is Assistant Editor with Myanmar Now.

Win Nandar is a reporter with Myanmar Now.

The offensives come in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
A KIA soldier watches from an outpost in Kachin state in this undated file photo (Kachinwave) 

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) launched attacks against police bases in the jade mining region of Hpakant on Thursday morning, a local resident told Myanmar Now. 

The attacks targeted police battalions where soldiers were stationed near Nam Maw village in the Seik Muu village tract.

“There are Myanmar police battalions around Nam Maw,” a resident said. At least three bases were attacked, he added. 

A 41-year-old civilian in Seik Muu village injured his left hand during the clash, the Kachin-based Myitkyina News Journal reported.

The KIA has launched several offensives against the coup regime’s forces recently. Fighting has also been reported in Mogaung and Injangyang this month. 

Some 200 people fled the Injangyang villages of Gway Htaung and Tan Baung Yan on Monday after the KIA launched an offensive against the military there. 

The offenses began in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina. The KIA has warned the junta not to harm anti-coup protesters. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The coup regime’s forces took the injured people away and locals do not know their whereabouts 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Kalay residents move the body of a man who was shot dead on Wednesday (Supplied) 

Four young men were killed and five people were injured in the town of Kalay in Sagaing region on Wednesday as protesters continued their fight to topple the regime despite daily massacres across the country aimed at terrorizing them into submission. 

The Tahan Protest Group gathered in the town at around 10am and police and soldiers began shooting. One young man was shot dead on the spot as he tried to help people who were trapped amid gunfire, residents told Myanmar Now.   

The regime’s forces also shot at and chased fleeing protesters along roads and through narrow alleys, a resident said.

“The crowd of protesters dispersed but one person was shot dead while trying to rescue those trapped in the protest site,” the resident added. 

As the crowd dispersed, a man riding a motorcycle was shot outside a branch of KBZ Bank. “He also died,” the resident said. 

Despite the murders, protesters gathered again in the afternoon around 4pm. Police and soldiers started shooting again and killed two people. 

“They were shot dead while trying to set up barricades at the protest site. They were shot while trying to obstruct the army’s way as the army troops chased and shot the trapped protestors,” the resident said. 

The two who were killed in the morning were identified as Salai Kyong Lian Kye O, who was 25, and Kyin Khant Man, who was 27 and had three children. The identities of the other two have not yet been confirmed.

Five people were also injured and then taken away. Locals said they did not know where they had been taken.   

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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