Tax break for lucrative mine may cost Myanmar $163m while companies reap huge profits

Seven-year tax holiday is meant to encourage investment, but a mining consortium already stands to make enormous amounts without the incentive

Published on Feb 14, 2020
The Bawdwin mine in northern Shan State's Namtu township contains rich deposits of silver, lead, zinc and copper and is among the most lucrative in Myanmar. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)
The Bawdwin mine in northern Shan State's Namtu township contains rich deposits of silver, lead, zinc and copper and is among the most lucrative in Myanmar. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

Myanmar is set to lose out on hundreds of billions of kyat to an Australian-led mining consortium under a tax relief scheme - even though the project in Shan State is expected to be hugely profitable.

A consortium that includes Perth-based Myanmar Metals, which has a 51% stake in Bawdwin mine, is planning to apply for a tax holiday that could save it an estimated 237.5 billion kyat - or roughly $163m.

That is enough to pay for more than 109,000 primary school teachers' salaries for a year.

The mine will be one of the world’s top producers of silver and lead, generating Myanmar Metals and its partners, Win Myint Mo Industries and East Asia Power enormous wealth.

Myanmar Metals argues the incentive is needed because the conflict-torn state is a risky investment. Not paying corporation tax for seven years will make it easier to improve the local economy, it says.

But a new report by Berlin-based OpenOil, a company which advises governments on mine and oil contracts, suggests the Bawdwin joint venture stands to make a massive profit on the venture even without a tax break.

“Bawdwin looks as though it would still be ‘investible’ without the tax break,” OpenOil’s director Johnny West told Myanmar Now.

“It looks clear from our analysis... that such an incentive wouldn’t play a significant role in determining the mine’s profitability,” he added.

Mae Buenaventura, senior policy officer at the Asian Peoples' Movement on Debt and Development, said: “Income tax holidays especially for large scale mining are a mere cash transfer by countries that are cash-strapped to begin with.

“They must be scrapped immediately as part of progressive tax reforms."

A decision on whether to grant Bawdwin the tax break is expected later this year.

It will be up to the Myanmar Investment Commission, which says the company still needs to apply for permission to develop the project.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA) 

Lucrative site

Bawdwin mine, which contains rich deposits of silver, lead, zinc and copper, is among the most lucrative in Myanmar. By 2023, it is expected to produce more in tax revenues than the country’s entire mining industry did in 2017.

OpenOil’s estimates are based on a pre-feasibility study of the mine and information published on Myanmar Metal’s website.

Myanmar Metals CEO John Lamb argued that the tax break is necessary.

“It’s a very, very difficult jurisdiction to gain investment in,” he told Myanmar Now.

Exploiting a “critical mineral asset in a remote and impoverished area” would benefit the local community and the country, he added.

“Local investment tends to have a higher impact per dollar spent, and tends to have a higher multiplier effect in the economy than money spent with big businesses in the major cities,” he said.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

Aung Kyaw Moe, a Shan state-based member of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, disagreed.

He said the region surrounding the mine is still at risk of conflict, and that the government must consider the mine’s impact on stability in the area.

“It is still too early to allow this mine,” he told Myanmar Now.

“The government should not grant them seven years of tax breaks while also giving them the country’s natural resources for all those years,” he added.

Tax holidays ‘inefficient and ineffective’

Tax holidays to incentivise investment from large companies are facing increased scrutiny around the world.

Many say these offers are too generous and cause countries to lose out on large sums of money that could be used to improve peoples’ lives.

A 2018 study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) concluded that tax holidays are an “inefficient and ineffective incentive for mining” and said they can encourage abusive corporate behaviour.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

"Investors may increase their income during the tax-free period by speeding up the rate of production, and shifting the profits offshore,” the report said.

The New York-based Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) shares this concern.

"In dealing with investments like Bawdwin and in seeking to attract further large mines in the future, the government must strike a balance between offering tax terms that are attractive to companies, while also optimizing revenue for the country,” it wrote in a 2019 policy briefing.

"Corporate income tax holidays are among the most dangerous and damaging of tax perks, and yet also the most common among Asian developing countries,” said Buenaventura. “In the case of mining projects [they] are redundant and wasteful because the investment is likely to have been made anyway without the incentive.”

Myanmar investment law allows the government to waive the country’s 25% corporate income tax on profits in certain cases for three, five or seven years.

Without a tax holiday, Myanmar Metals’ projected profit on the Bawdwin mine would still be high enough to justify its investment, according to OpenOil’s analysis.

(Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

 

Investors would earn a 36% return with the tax holiday and over 30% without it. Both figures are well above the minimal rates investors usually accept for putting their money into such a project, according to OpenOil.

"Before deciding on whether or not to concede a tax incentive, it is important for any government to weigh both the cost of the incentive and the need for it,” said West.

“In the case of Bawdwin, it looks clear from our analysis—that follows the company’s own provisions—that such an incentive wouldn’t play a significant role in determining the mine’s profitability,” he added.

Myanmar Metals and Win Myint Mo Industries plan to negotiate a seven-year tax exemption with the government after submitting its final feasibility study in the first quarter of this year, according to company documents.

Production at the mine is expected to begin in approximately 12 months.

Secret agreements

NRGI found in a 2018 report that large mining companies investing in Myanmar had negotiated “bespoke” agreements that "deviate significantly from the standard terms" defined by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC).

“This creates risks,” the report said. “Negotiators may make unjustified and inconsistent concessions, which then must be rectified in subsequent renegotiations.”

As a result Myanmar risks losing out on significant tax revenues and creating an uncertain investment climate, it added: “Frequent changes to contracts deter investment and create opportunities for mistakes that can cost the country billions of kyat."

The government does not usually disclose the terms of bespoke tax breaks, making it hard to know whether the public is getting a good deal.

Bawdwin mine contains enormous quantities of lead, copper and zinc and has the potential to dwarf the tax revenues of Myanmar’s entire mining industry.

Without the tax break, the government stands to make up to $1.87bn in the next 13 years from the mine, according to OpenOil’s analysis, though revenue levels depend on how the global market for these metals perform over time.

Even if it grants the tax holiday, the government will receive $112 million a year by 2023 in fees, charges, royalties and profits from a state-owned firm with a stake in the mine, according to OpenOil. That would be 40% more than the entire mining industry contributed in 2017. Myanmar Metals is projecting it will make a profit of $580m during the 13-year “starter pit” phase.

Bawdwin mine, once called the richest in the British Empire, attracted the attention of Myanmar Metals in 2017.

Formerly known as Top End Minerals, the company paid Myanmar’s Win Myint Mo Industries (WMM) — whose parent company National Infrastructure Holdings Co has held concessions since 2009 — a $1.5m deposit for the option to acquire an interest in the project in 2017.

It later exercised the option and acquired a 51% participating interest in the project, forming the Bawdwin Joint Venture consortium with WMM and another firm called East Asia Power.

There are no public details on how the revenues will be divided between the partners.

Kyaw Se, a director at Win Myint Mo Industries said the consortium “will only apply for a tax exemption in line with the investment law. We will request no special privileges.”

Reporting by Chan Thar, Nick Mathiason and Tin Htet Paing

Editing by Joshua Carroll and Danny Fenster

Photos by Kan Thar/ RFA

Finance Uncovered, a UK-based investigative journalism training and reporting organisation, contributed to this story.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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