Tax break for lucrative mine may cost Myanmar $163m while companies reap huge profits

Seven-year tax holiday is meant to encourage investment, but a mining consortium already stands to make enormous amounts without the incentive

The Bawdwin mine in northern Shan State's Namtu township contains rich deposits of silver, lead, zinc and copper and is among the most lucrative in Myanmar. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

Myanmar is set to lose out on hundreds of billions of kyat to an Australian-led mining consortium under a tax relief scheme - even though the project in Shan State is expected to be hugely profitable.

A consortium that includes Perth-based Myanmar Metals, which has a 51% stake in Bawdwin mine, is planning to apply for a tax holiday that could save it an estimated 237.5 billion kyat - or roughly $163m.

That is enough to pay for more than 109,000 primary school teachers' salaries for a year.

The mine will be one of the world’s top producers of silver and lead, generating Myanmar Metals and its partners, Win Myint Mo Industries and East Asia Power enormous wealth.

Myanmar Metals argues the incentive is needed because the conflict-torn state is a risky investment. Not paying corporation tax for seven years will make it easier to improve the local economy, it says.

But a new report by Berlin-based OpenOil, a company which advises governments on mine and oil contracts, suggests the Bawdwin joint venture stands to make a massive profit on the venture even without a tax break.

“Bawdwin looks as though it would still be ‘investible’ without the tax break,” OpenOil’s director Johnny West told Myanmar Now.

“It looks clear from our analysis... that such an incentive wouldn’t play a significant role in determining the mine’s profitability,” he added.

Mae Buenaventura, senior policy officer at the Asian Peoples' Movement on Debt and Development, said: “Income tax holidays especially for large scale mining are a mere cash transfer by countries that are cash-strapped to begin with.

“They must be scrapped immediately as part of progressive tax reforms."

A decision on whether to grant Bawdwin the tax break is expected later this year.

It will be up to the Myanmar Investment Commission, which says the company still needs to apply for permission to develop the project.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA) 

Lucrative site

Bawdwin mine, which contains rich deposits of silver, lead, zinc and copper, is among the most lucrative in Myanmar. By 2023, it is expected to produce more in tax revenues than the country’s entire mining industry did in 2017.

OpenOil’s estimates are based on a pre-feasibility study of the mine and information published on Myanmar Metal’s website.

Myanmar Metals CEO John Lamb argued that the tax break is necessary.

“It’s a very, very difficult jurisdiction to gain investment in,” he told Myanmar Now.

Exploiting a “critical mineral asset in a remote and impoverished area” would benefit the local community and the country, he added.

“Local investment tends to have a higher impact per dollar spent, and tends to have a higher multiplier effect in the economy than money spent with big businesses in the major cities,” he said.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

Aung Kyaw Moe, a Shan state-based member of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, disagreed.

He said the region surrounding the mine is still at risk of conflict, and that the government must consider the mine’s impact on stability in the area.

“It is still too early to allow this mine,” he told Myanmar Now.

“The government should not grant them seven years of tax breaks while also giving them the country’s natural resources for all those years,” he added.

Tax holidays ‘inefficient and ineffective’

Tax holidays to incentivise investment from large companies are facing increased scrutiny around the world.

Many say these offers are too generous and cause countries to lose out on large sums of money that could be used to improve peoples’ lives.

A 2018 study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) concluded that tax holidays are an “inefficient and ineffective incentive for mining” and said they can encourage abusive corporate behaviour.

The Bawdwin mine area, seen in 2017. (Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

"Investors may increase their income during the tax-free period by speeding up the rate of production, and shifting the profits offshore,” the report said.

The New York-based Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) shares this concern.

"In dealing with investments like Bawdwin and in seeking to attract further large mines in the future, the government must strike a balance between offering tax terms that are attractive to companies, while also optimizing revenue for the country,” it wrote in a 2019 policy briefing.

"Corporate income tax holidays are among the most dangerous and damaging of tax perks, and yet also the most common among Asian developing countries,” said Buenaventura. “In the case of mining projects [they] are redundant and wasteful because the investment is likely to have been made anyway without the incentive.”

Myanmar investment law allows the government to waive the country’s 25% corporate income tax on profits in certain cases for three, five or seven years.

Without a tax holiday, Myanmar Metals’ projected profit on the Bawdwin mine would still be high enough to justify its investment, according to OpenOil’s analysis.

(Photo: Kan Thar/ RFA)

 

Investors would earn a 36% return with the tax holiday and over 30% without it. Both figures are well above the minimal rates investors usually accept for putting their money into such a project, according to OpenOil.

"Before deciding on whether or not to concede a tax incentive, it is important for any government to weigh both the cost of the incentive and the need for it,” said West.

“In the case of Bawdwin, it looks clear from our analysis—that follows the company’s own provisions—that such an incentive wouldn’t play a significant role in determining the mine’s profitability,” he added.

Myanmar Metals and Win Myint Mo Industries plan to negotiate a seven-year tax exemption with the government after submitting its final feasibility study in the first quarter of this year, according to company documents.

Production at the mine is expected to begin in approximately 12 months.

Secret agreements

NRGI found in a 2018 report that large mining companies investing in Myanmar had negotiated “bespoke” agreements that "deviate significantly from the standard terms" defined by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC).

“This creates risks,” the report said. “Negotiators may make unjustified and inconsistent concessions, which then must be rectified in subsequent renegotiations.”

As a result Myanmar risks losing out on significant tax revenues and creating an uncertain investment climate, it added: “Frequent changes to contracts deter investment and create opportunities for mistakes that can cost the country billions of kyat."

The government does not usually disclose the terms of bespoke tax breaks, making it hard to know whether the public is getting a good deal.

Bawdwin mine contains enormous quantities of lead, copper and zinc and has the potential to dwarf the tax revenues of Myanmar’s entire mining industry.

Without the tax break, the government stands to make up to $1.87bn in the next 13 years from the mine, according to OpenOil’s analysis, though revenue levels depend on how the global market for these metals perform over time.

Even if it grants the tax holiday, the government will receive $112 million a year by 2023 in fees, charges, royalties and profits from a state-owned firm with a stake in the mine, according to OpenOil. That would be 40% more than the entire mining industry contributed in 2017. Myanmar Metals is projecting it will make a profit of $580m during the 13-year “starter pit” phase.

Bawdwin mine, once called the richest in the British Empire, attracted the attention of Myanmar Metals in 2017.

Formerly known as Top End Minerals, the company paid Myanmar’s Win Myint Mo Industries (WMM) — whose parent company National Infrastructure Holdings Co has held concessions since 2009 — a $1.5m deposit for the option to acquire an interest in the project in 2017.

It later exercised the option and acquired a 51% participating interest in the project, forming the Bawdwin Joint Venture consortium with WMM and another firm called East Asia Power.

There are no public details on how the revenues will be divided between the partners.

Kyaw Se, a director at Win Myint Mo Industries said the consortium “will only apply for a tax exemption in line with the investment law. We will request no special privileges.”

Reporting by Chan Thar, Nick Mathiason and Tin Htet Paing

Editing by Joshua Carroll and Danny Fenster

Photos by Kan Thar/ RFA

Finance Uncovered, a UK-based investigative journalism training and reporting organisation, contributed to this story.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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