Sudden arrival of soldiers in swing seats seen as bid to boost USDP’s chances

In at least one case soldiers arrived after the deadline to be eligible to vote but registered anyway, local MP says

Published on Sep 22, 2020
Published on Sep 22, 2020
Tatmadaw soldiers seen in Kyaukme district in 2019 (Myat Moe Thu/Myanmar Now)
Tatmadaw soldiers seen in Kyaukme district in 2019 (Myat Moe Thu/Myanmar Now)

Hundreds of Tatmadaw soldiers have shown up in areas of Kachin and Shan states in recent weeks, raising concerns that they have been bussed in to vote for the military’s preferred candidates on November 8. 

Over 400 soldiers arrived in Sumprabum, northern Kachin state, in early August, and registered to vote, local election candidates told Myanmar Now. 

There is no military base in the town and soldiers are camped in schools there. 

Their arrival brings the number of registered voters in the town to 1,862, meaning they could easily tip the vote in favour of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

 

 

“Soldiers are now waiting to vote in our constituency. They’re ready. Nothing like this happened in the 2015 election,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, a Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) candidate running for a Lower House seat in the town.

“It seems like the party they vote for will end up winning,” he added. 

 

 

J Htu Yaw, a regional National League for Democracy (NLD) MP in Sumprabum, received 294 votes in the last election, beating her USDP rival by just 17 votes. 

The NLD has asked the Union Election Commission (UEC) to check if the soldiers had registered legally, J Htu Yaw said. 

It is unclear exactly when the soldiers arrived in the area. The Election Law says a person must live in a constituency for at least 90 days before polling day in order to be allowed to vote there.

Four candidates in Sumprabum are running for a Lower House seat there and 11 are competing for two seats in the Kachin state parliament.

Aung Naing Oo, the local election commission secretary, said his office accepted the soldiers’ applications to register based on the rules. “We’re following the regulations and evidence as necessary.”

But he said his office could not release a voting list featuring the soldiers’ names for security reasons. 

Win Bo, a member of the NLD’s election victory committee, said there are also recently migrated soldiers in Kachin’s Tanai and N Jang Yang townships.

Kachin state’s NLD-appointed chief minister, Dr Khat Aung, has urged the committee to campaign harder in regions where soldiers have recently arrived, Win Bo said. 

“He let us know which units have moved here and urged us to think about what we should do on our end and how we’ll campaign. It doesn’t matter that they’ve moved here, we’ll still do our best and proceed honestly,” he said.

An NLD election victory committee report said Sumprabum now has about 500 military personnel and N Jang Yang has about 400 who moved in August. Myanmar Now could not independently verify those figures.

The soldiers moved to Tanai from Mogaung, which is also in Kachin state, at the beginning of the year, Win Bo said.

Lin Lin Oo, the NLD MP representing Tanai in the Lower House, said: “We have to try a lot harder because these units have shown up. Mostly, we need the public to come to the polls.”

There are 32,298 eligible voters in Tanai. Lin Lin Oo beat his USDP rival in 2015 by just 189 votes.  

Tanai’s election commission secretary, Kyaw Thet Paing, said the military voter list would be revealed before the end of this month. 

He said he could not reveal how many people had registered to vote with Form Three, a document that newly arrived soldiers would have to fill in in order to be eligible. 

“We’ll be following the UEC’s guidelines,” he said.

Major General Zaw Min Tun of the military’s True News Information Team did not answer calls seeking comment. 

Concerns over double voting 

In Shan state, a Myanmar military unit from Infantry Battalion 256 arrived at the Namtaung village group in Namtu on August 13 and registered 100 soldiers to vote the next day, said Nang Kham Aye, the local Lower House MP with the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).

Their arrival therefore came fewer than 90 days before the November 8 election date, she said. 

“They would only have been eligible if they arrived here six or seven days earlier. But most of them arrived in the middle or end of the month, I’m concerned about dishonesty when it comes to the vote,” she told Myanmar Now.

The 100 are among a total of 1,003 soldiers who are stationed in 13 village tracts in the region and have registered to vote, she said. The others are from Infantry Battalions 324, 101 and 206.

She was also concerned that the soldiers may vote twice, once in the villages and again in the constituencies where they are usually based. 

“If they’re voting here, they aren’t allowed to vote at their infantries. It needs to be made official that they have indeed moved here. Otherwise, voter lists could be inflated,” she said.

Namtu township and the surrounding Kyaukme district has been rocked by numerous clashes between the military and ethnic armed groups belonging to the Northern Alliance. 

There are about 400,000 eligible voters in Kyaukme, where 28 seats in local and national parliaments, including an Ethnic Affairs Minister position, are up for grabs.

Namtu township’s election commission chair, Zaw Min, said that the voter list of each military unit in the township is being checked again according to legal procedures.

The commission was still verifying the 100 or so soldiers who had applied to register in Namtaung, he said. 

Representatives from several political parties in Shan state also said that a number of soldiers from military-backed militias have been included on two separate voter lists.

They were particularly concerned about Muse district in northern Shan, which has the largest number of such militias, they said.

Election officials are supposed to be in charge of collecting names for voter lists, but because conflict in the region makes this dangerous, the Tatmadaw has taken charge of compiling lists for the militia members. 

The SNLD’s General Secretary, Sai Leik, said the party had contacted the UEC about the situation but the commission had not given a clear and detailed response. 

“The voter list needs to be strong and transparent. If not, that’ll affect how just and honest the election outcome will be,” he said.

There are over 300,000 eligible voters in Muse district, where 62 candidates are fighting for 31 seats.

Nhit San Oo, the election commission secretary for northern Shan state, said that although the military helped create the voting lists, the commission would ensure there was no double voting.   

“If they appear twice on the voter lists, the region wouldn’t accept it and the township election commission wouldn’t put it out either. Our main goal is to have correct voter lists,” he said.

Chan Thar is Reporter with Myanmar Now

Kyaw Lin Htoon is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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