Sudden arrival of soldiers in swing seats seen as bid to boost USDP’s chances

In at least one case soldiers arrived after the deadline to be eligible to vote but registered anyway, local MP says

Tatmadaw soldiers seen in Kyaukme district in 2019 (Myat Moe Thu/Myanmar Now)

Hundreds of Tatmadaw soldiers have shown up in areas of Kachin and Shan states in recent weeks, raising concerns that they have been bussed in to vote for the military’s preferred candidates on November 8. 

Over 400 soldiers arrived in Sumprabum, northern Kachin state, in early August, and registered to vote, local election candidates told Myanmar Now. 

There is no military base in the town and soldiers are camped in schools there. 

Their arrival brings the number of registered voters in the town to 1,862, meaning they could easily tip the vote in favour of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

 

 

“Soldiers are now waiting to vote in our constituency. They’re ready. Nothing like this happened in the 2015 election,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, a Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) candidate running for a Lower House seat in the town.

“It seems like the party they vote for will end up winning,” he added. 

 

 

J Htu Yaw, a regional National League for Democracy (NLD) MP in Sumprabum, received 294 votes in the last election, beating her USDP rival by just 17 votes. 

The NLD has asked the Union Election Commission (UEC) to check if the soldiers had registered legally, J Htu Yaw said. 

It is unclear exactly when the soldiers arrived in the area. The Election Law says a person must live in a constituency for at least 90 days before polling day in order to be allowed to vote there.

Four candidates in Sumprabum are running for a Lower House seat there and 11 are competing for two seats in the Kachin state parliament.

Aung Naing Oo, the local election commission secretary, said his office accepted the soldiers’ applications to register based on the rules. “We’re following the regulations and evidence as necessary.”

But he said his office could not release a voting list featuring the soldiers’ names for security reasons. 

Win Bo, a member of the NLD’s election victory committee, said there are also recently migrated soldiers in Kachin’s Tanai and N Jang Yang townships.

Kachin state’s NLD-appointed chief minister, Dr Khat Aung, has urged the committee to campaign harder in regions where soldiers have recently arrived, Win Bo said. 

“He let us know which units have moved here and urged us to think about what we should do on our end and how we’ll campaign. It doesn’t matter that they’ve moved here, we’ll still do our best and proceed honestly,” he said.

An NLD election victory committee report said Sumprabum now has about 500 military personnel and N Jang Yang has about 400 who moved in August. Myanmar Now could not independently verify those figures.

The soldiers moved to Tanai from Mogaung, which is also in Kachin state, at the beginning of the year, Win Bo said.

Lin Lin Oo, the NLD MP representing Tanai in the Lower House, said: “We have to try a lot harder because these units have shown up. Mostly, we need the public to come to the polls.”

There are 32,298 eligible voters in Tanai. Lin Lin Oo beat his USDP rival in 2015 by just 189 votes.  

Tanai’s election commission secretary, Kyaw Thet Paing, said the military voter list would be revealed before the end of this month. 

He said he could not reveal how many people had registered to vote with Form Three, a document that newly arrived soldiers would have to fill in in order to be eligible. 

“We’ll be following the UEC’s guidelines,” he said.

Major General Zaw Min Tun of the military’s True News Information Team did not answer calls seeking comment. 

Concerns over double voting 

In Shan state, a Myanmar military unit from Infantry Battalion 256 arrived at the Namtaung village group in Namtu on August 13 and registered 100 soldiers to vote the next day, said Nang Kham Aye, the local Lower House MP with the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).

Their arrival therefore came fewer than 90 days before the November 8 election date, she said. 

“They would only have been eligible if they arrived here six or seven days earlier. But most of them arrived in the middle or end of the month, I’m concerned about dishonesty when it comes to the vote,” she told Myanmar Now.

The 100 are among a total of 1,003 soldiers who are stationed in 13 village tracts in the region and have registered to vote, she said. The others are from Infantry Battalions 324, 101 and 206.

She was also concerned that the soldiers may vote twice, once in the villages and again in the constituencies where they are usually based. 

“If they’re voting here, they aren’t allowed to vote at their infantries. It needs to be made official that they have indeed moved here. Otherwise, voter lists could be inflated,” she said.

Namtu township and the surrounding Kyaukme district has been rocked by numerous clashes between the military and ethnic armed groups belonging to the Northern Alliance. 

There are about 400,000 eligible voters in Kyaukme, where 28 seats in local and national parliaments, including an Ethnic Affairs Minister position, are up for grabs.

Namtu township’s election commission chair, Zaw Min, said that the voter list of each military unit in the township is being checked again according to legal procedures.

The commission was still verifying the 100 or so soldiers who had applied to register in Namtaung, he said. 

Representatives from several political parties in Shan state also said that a number of soldiers from military-backed militias have been included on two separate voter lists.

They were particularly concerned about Muse district in northern Shan, which has the largest number of such militias, they said.

Election officials are supposed to be in charge of collecting names for voter lists, but because conflict in the region makes this dangerous, the Tatmadaw has taken charge of compiling lists for the militia members. 

The SNLD’s General Secretary, Sai Leik, said the party had contacted the UEC about the situation but the commission had not given a clear and detailed response. 

“The voter list needs to be strong and transparent. If not, that’ll affect how just and honest the election outcome will be,” he said.

There are over 300,000 eligible voters in Muse district, where 62 candidates are fighting for 31 seats.

Nhit San Oo, the election commission secretary for northern Shan state, said that although the military helped create the voting lists, the commission would ensure there was no double voting.   

“If they appear twice on the voter lists, the region wouldn’t accept it and the township election commission wouldn’t put it out either. Our main goal is to have correct voter lists,” he said.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

155930399_2092664367568616_7441378699305917845_n.jpeg

A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading