Sudden arrival of soldiers in swing seats seen as bid to boost USDP’s chances

In at least one case soldiers arrived after the deadline to be eligible to vote but registered anyway, local MP says

Tatmadaw soldiers seen in Kyaukme district in 2019 (Myat Moe Thu/Myanmar Now)

Hundreds of Tatmadaw soldiers have shown up in areas of Kachin and Shan states in recent weeks, raising concerns that they have been bussed in to vote for the military’s preferred candidates on November 8. 

Over 400 soldiers arrived in Sumprabum, northern Kachin state, in early August, and registered to vote, local election candidates told Myanmar Now. 

There is no military base in the town and soldiers are camped in schools there. 

Their arrival brings the number of registered voters in the town to 1,862, meaning they could easily tip the vote in favour of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

 

 

“Soldiers are now waiting to vote in our constituency. They’re ready. Nothing like this happened in the 2015 election,” said Gumgrawng Awng Hkam, a Kachin State People’s Party (KSPP) candidate running for a Lower House seat in the town.

“It seems like the party they vote for will end up winning,” he added. 

 

 

J Htu Yaw, a regional National League for Democracy (NLD) MP in Sumprabum, received 294 votes in the last election, beating her USDP rival by just 17 votes. 

The NLD has asked the Union Election Commission (UEC) to check if the soldiers had registered legally, J Htu Yaw said. 

It is unclear exactly when the soldiers arrived in the area. The Election Law says a person must live in a constituency for at least 90 days before polling day in order to be allowed to vote there.

Four candidates in Sumprabum are running for a Lower House seat there and 11 are competing for two seats in the Kachin state parliament.

Aung Naing Oo, the local election commission secretary, said his office accepted the soldiers’ applications to register based on the rules. “We’re following the regulations and evidence as necessary.”

But he said his office could not release a voting list featuring the soldiers’ names for security reasons. 

Win Bo, a member of the NLD’s election victory committee, said there are also recently migrated soldiers in Kachin’s Tanai and N Jang Yang townships.

Kachin state’s NLD-appointed chief minister, Dr Khat Aung, has urged the committee to campaign harder in regions where soldiers have recently arrived, Win Bo said. 

“He let us know which units have moved here and urged us to think about what we should do on our end and how we’ll campaign. It doesn’t matter that they’ve moved here, we’ll still do our best and proceed honestly,” he said.

An NLD election victory committee report said Sumprabum now has about 500 military personnel and N Jang Yang has about 400 who moved in August. Myanmar Now could not independently verify those figures.

The soldiers moved to Tanai from Mogaung, which is also in Kachin state, at the beginning of the year, Win Bo said.

Lin Lin Oo, the NLD MP representing Tanai in the Lower House, said: “We have to try a lot harder because these units have shown up. Mostly, we need the public to come to the polls.”

There are 32,298 eligible voters in Tanai. Lin Lin Oo beat his USDP rival in 2015 by just 189 votes.  

Tanai’s election commission secretary, Kyaw Thet Paing, said the military voter list would be revealed before the end of this month. 

He said he could not reveal how many people had registered to vote with Form Three, a document that newly arrived soldiers would have to fill in in order to be eligible. 

“We’ll be following the UEC’s guidelines,” he said.

Major General Zaw Min Tun of the military’s True News Information Team did not answer calls seeking comment. 

Concerns over double voting 

In Shan state, a Myanmar military unit from Infantry Battalion 256 arrived at the Namtaung village group in Namtu on August 13 and registered 100 soldiers to vote the next day, said Nang Kham Aye, the local Lower House MP with the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD).

Their arrival therefore came fewer than 90 days before the November 8 election date, she said. 

“They would only have been eligible if they arrived here six or seven days earlier. But most of them arrived in the middle or end of the month, I’m concerned about dishonesty when it comes to the vote,” she told Myanmar Now.

The 100 are among a total of 1,003 soldiers who are stationed in 13 village tracts in the region and have registered to vote, she said. The others are from Infantry Battalions 324, 101 and 206.

She was also concerned that the soldiers may vote twice, once in the villages and again in the constituencies where they are usually based. 

“If they’re voting here, they aren’t allowed to vote at their infantries. It needs to be made official that they have indeed moved here. Otherwise, voter lists could be inflated,” she said.

Namtu township and the surrounding Kyaukme district has been rocked by numerous clashes between the military and ethnic armed groups belonging to the Northern Alliance. 

There are about 400,000 eligible voters in Kyaukme, where 28 seats in local and national parliaments, including an Ethnic Affairs Minister position, are up for grabs.

Namtu township’s election commission chair, Zaw Min, said that the voter list of each military unit in the township is being checked again according to legal procedures.

The commission was still verifying the 100 or so soldiers who had applied to register in Namtaung, he said. 

Representatives from several political parties in Shan state also said that a number of soldiers from military-backed militias have been included on two separate voter lists.

They were particularly concerned about Muse district in northern Shan, which has the largest number of such militias, they said.

Election officials are supposed to be in charge of collecting names for voter lists, but because conflict in the region makes this dangerous, the Tatmadaw has taken charge of compiling lists for the militia members. 

The SNLD’s General Secretary, Sai Leik, said the party had contacted the UEC about the situation but the commission had not given a clear and detailed response. 

“The voter list needs to be strong and transparent. If not, that’ll affect how just and honest the election outcome will be,” he said.

There are over 300,000 eligible voters in Muse district, where 62 candidates are fighting for 31 seats.

Nhit San Oo, the election commission secretary for northern Shan state, said that although the military helped create the voting lists, the commission would ensure there was no double voting.   

“If they appear twice on the voter lists, the region wouldn’t accept it and the township election commission wouldn’t put it out either. Our main goal is to have correct voter lists,” he said.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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