Rakhine development scheme with deep links to NLD raises transparency concerns

A company tied to ruling party MPs is still working to develop a resort area in southern Rakhine state, despite being dissolved last year

Illustration: (Moe Htet Lyan / Myanmar Now)

A company with multiple ties to Myanmar’s ruling party is still actively engaged in efforts to develop beach resorts in southern Rakhine state, despite claims from members of its board of directors that it was dissolved last year. 

The Rakhine Coastline Development Public Company (RCDPC) officially ceased operations more than a year ago, but has since gone back into business, according to the records of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA).

The company was chaired by Ye Min Oo, a rising star in the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), until September 2019. DICA records show that it was reincorporated the following month and is now chaired by Ye Min Oo’s wife, Aye Nandar Sein, who has also replaced him at the head of a number of other companies that he has left since late last year. 

Ye Min Oo, who currently serves as Yangon region’s minister for planning and finance, was elected to public office for the first time last month, when he won a seat in the Yangon regional parliament. He is also the chair of the Naypyitaw Sibin Bank and deputy mayor of Naypyitaw. 

 

 

“Ye Min Oo has a strong interest in this project,” said RCDPC board member and NLD MP Ye Khaung Nyunt 

RCDPC, which was founded by Ye Min Oo in April 2018, also has links to three other NLD lawmakers. 

 

 

Its board of directors includes Ye Khaung Nyunt, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Gwa township in Rakhine state; Khin Moe Aye, the wife of Bo Bo Oo, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Sanchaung township in Yangon region; and Thin July Kyaw, the ex-wife of Phyo Zeyar Thaw, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Zabuthiri township in Naypyitaw.

Other board members include Amara Aung, the daughter of Hla Kyaing, the NLD chair for Yangon region; Myat Tun, a former assistant editor from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB); and Nyi Naing Aung, a former political prisoner who works for the Jasmine Palace Construction Group.

The company also has a close business associate of Ye Min Oo, Innovative Systems (InnoSys) owner Ni Lynn, as its managing director, according to DICA records.

Other board members include local businessmen Win Ko, Pyae Phyo Paing and Lin Htike from Gwa township in southern Rakhine state.

“If [the RCDPC] really gets off the ground, our party will get votes for the next five years,” said board member Khin Moe Aye, who is also the chair of the NLD's women's working committee in Yangon region 

RCDPC board member Ye Khaung Nyunt told Myanmar Now that the company was set up by Ye Min Oo to develop a hotel zone on the 36-acre Zee Gone ground near Kantharyar beach in Gwa township. Besides representing the township in the Pyithu Hluttaw, Ye Khaung Nyunt is also a member of its local NLD central executive committee.

“Ye Min Oo has a strong interest in this project. When he presented a proposal to the state government, they told him it would be possible if he set up a public company in collaboration with local people,” said Ye Khaung Nyunt. 

He added, however, that Ye Min Oo did not reapply to continue work on the project after he became the chair of the Naypyitaw Sibin Bank and the deputy mayor of Naypyitaw early last year. 

The situation has raised concerns about conflicts of interest, as MPs and their close associates, including spouses and other family members, engage in business activities that are subject to government oversight and which may benefit from political connections.

‘Are they honest in what they do?’

Khin Moe Aye, the wife of MP Bo Bo Oo and a director of the RCDPC, said that the company was set up soon after Nyi Pu, the Rakhine state chief minister, asked her husband for help finding entrepreneurs to undertake a development project in his state.

“Frankly speaking, I want to help Uncle Nyi. This state still hasn’t had much development. If they can show this project, it may encourage further development. And if it really gets off the ground, our party will get votes for the next five years,” said Khin Moe Aye, who is also the chair of the NLD's women's working committee in Yangon region.

“It’s not good because it makes NLD forces looks like a business group,” said an MP who spoke to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity 

However, when Win Myint, the state’s minister for municipal affairs, and Kyaw Aye Thein, the minister for planning, finance, tax and economy, were asked if the RCDPC was established at the behest of the chief minister, they said they didn’t know the company.

One MP who is close to Nyi Pu said that Ye Min Oo had often offered to turn the Zee Gone ground into a resort area and fix up the Ngapali market, which had been neglected due to a lack of interest in investing in Rakhine state. However, Ye Min Oo was not able to follow through with his plans, he said, leaving the state in a difficult position.

The MP, who did not want to be identified by name, added that only Ye Min Oo had been considered for the resort scheme, because of his economic background. He also said that he would inform the party of fellow NLD members’ involvement in the project because he felt it hurt the party’s image.

“It’s not good because it makes NLD forces looks like a business group. Is it true that they are honest in what they do? It isn’t good for the public to hear about things like this,” the MP said.

Tangled ties

According to RCDPC board member Thin July Kyaw (the ex-wife of NLD Pyithu Hluttaw MP Phyo Zeyar Thaw), Ye Min Oo sought help setting up a public company that would create job opportunities for local people and offer shares at an affordable price. To get this venture started, she said, she brought in close friends as partners.

So far, she added, Ye Min Oo has not made any money off of the company, despite initial share prices being fixed at 1mn kyat ($742) apiece. (Once the company was up and running, she said, shares would be offered to local people for a few tens of thousands of kyat each.)

But that was before the board of directors dissolved the company, only to restart it in October 2019 with Ye Min Oo’s wife Aye Nandar Sein as the new chair.

Throughout his business career, Ye Min Oo has had a history of distancing himself from companies that he either started or has been closely associated with, even as he has maintained ties with them.

“The main thing is for the ruling party to figure out how to prevent conflicts of interest,” Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability 

In 2014, a year after he became a member of the NLD’s information committee, he resigned as managing director of Asia Green Development (AGD) Bank, owned by military crony Tay Za. Despite his departure from the bank, he remains close to Tay Za’s Htoo Group, a number of whose senior executives sit on the boards of companies founded by Ye Min Oo. 

It was also in 2014 that he started Grand National Capital (GNC), a company set up to serve as a subcontractor for Min Kyan Sit, a construction firm owned by Nandar Hla Myint, a senior member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This was after Min Kyan Sit had received a contract under the then USDP government to build the publicly-funded Aye Tharyar housing project in Shan state.

Despite receiving a 4bn-kyat loan from the Shan state government, however, Min Kyan Sit failed to complete the project. GNC later took over, but was also unable to finish the job. The company now owes Shan state 2.4bn-kyat ($1.78mn).

Nay Lin, the Shan state cabinet secretary, told Myanmar Now that Ye Min Oo personally attended a meeting called by the state government in April of this year to negotiate repayment of money borrowed in connection with the Aye Tharyar project. This is despite the fact that he resigned from GNC’s board of directors in September 2019—the same month he stepped down as chair of RCDPC. His wife, Aye Nandar Sein, currently serves as its managing director. 

During that meeting, the company agreed to repay its debt within 60 days. So far, however, it has yet to do so.

Conflict concerns

Despite his business troubles, Ye Min Oo has seen a steady rise in his political fortunes under the NLD. He has been a member of the party’s economic committee since 2016, and in June of this year he was appointed to serve as Yangon region’s minister for finance and planning. Now, after running as an NLD candidate in last month’s election, he is set to assume duties as an elected representative in the region’s legislature.

Transparency watchdogs say that Ye Min Oo’s demonstrated penchant for mixing business and political connections is rife with potential problems.

“Such cases need to be monitored and investigated by both the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission,” said political analyst Dr Yan Myo Thein 

Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), said that international companies could play a role in pointing out how having a large number of ruling party MPs and other party members in a company could lead to conflicts of interest. 

“The main thing is for the ruling party to figure out how to prevent conflicts of interest. The principles and procedures must be transparent,” he told Myanmar Now.

NLD spokesperson Dr Myo Nyunt defended the right of party members and their families to set up companies and run businesses, but added that it would be illegal for them to take advantage of their political position when applying for projects.

“If you think you have special privileges, it is a conflict of interest,” he said, before adding that he thought it was “doubtful” that such situations would arise among party members.

Political analyst Dr Yan Myo Thein took a less trusting view, insisting that MPs involved in private business ventures should be subjected to careful scrutiny.

“Such cases need to be monitored and investigated by both the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission. If people close to the ruling party and the authorities set up companies and operate in an improper way, it means they are taking advantage of their positions,” he said.

In an interview with Myanmar Now earlier this year, Aung Kyi, the chair of the Anti-Corruption Commission, said that conflicts of interest do not constitute actual cases of corruption, but were a very serious problem because they could easily lead to abuses of power.

Myanmar Now contacted Ye Min Oo for comment, but did not receive a reply. 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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