Rakhine development scheme with deep links to NLD raises transparency concerns

A company tied to ruling party MPs is still working to develop a resort area in southern Rakhine state, despite being dissolved last year

Illustration: (Moe Htet Lyan / Myanmar Now)

A company with multiple ties to Myanmar’s ruling party is still actively engaged in efforts to develop beach resorts in southern Rakhine state, despite claims from members of its board of directors that it was dissolved last year. 

The Rakhine Coastline Development Public Company (RCDPC) officially ceased operations more than a year ago, but has since gone back into business, according to the records of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA).

The company was chaired by Ye Min Oo, a rising star in the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), until September 2019. DICA records show that it was reincorporated the following month and is now chaired by Ye Min Oo’s wife, Aye Nandar Sein, who has also replaced him at the head of a number of other companies that he has left since late last year. 

Ye Min Oo, who currently serves as Yangon region’s minister for planning and finance, was elected to public office for the first time last month, when he won a seat in the Yangon regional parliament. He is also the chair of the Naypyitaw Sibin Bank and deputy mayor of Naypyitaw. 

 

 

“Ye Min Oo has a strong interest in this project,” said RCDPC board member and NLD MP Ye Khaung Nyunt 

RCDPC, which was founded by Ye Min Oo in April 2018, also has links to three other NLD lawmakers. 

 

 

Its board of directors includes Ye Khaung Nyunt, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Gwa township in Rakhine state; Khin Moe Aye, the wife of Bo Bo Oo, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Sanchaung township in Yangon region; and Thin July Kyaw, the ex-wife of Phyo Zeyar Thaw, the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Zabuthiri township in Naypyitaw.

Other board members include Amara Aung, the daughter of Hla Kyaing, the NLD chair for Yangon region; Myat Tun, a former assistant editor from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB); and Nyi Naing Aung, a former political prisoner who works for the Jasmine Palace Construction Group.

The company also has a close business associate of Ye Min Oo, Innovative Systems (InnoSys) owner Ni Lynn, as its managing director, according to DICA records.

Other board members include local businessmen Win Ko, Pyae Phyo Paing and Lin Htike from Gwa township in southern Rakhine state.

“If [the RCDPC] really gets off the ground, our party will get votes for the next five years,” said board member Khin Moe Aye, who is also the chair of the NLD's women's working committee in Yangon region 

RCDPC board member Ye Khaung Nyunt told Myanmar Now that the company was set up by Ye Min Oo to develop a hotel zone on the 36-acre Zee Gone ground near Kantharyar beach in Gwa township. Besides representing the township in the Pyithu Hluttaw, Ye Khaung Nyunt is also a member of its local NLD central executive committee.

“Ye Min Oo has a strong interest in this project. When he presented a proposal to the state government, they told him it would be possible if he set up a public company in collaboration with local people,” said Ye Khaung Nyunt. 

He added, however, that Ye Min Oo did not reapply to continue work on the project after he became the chair of the Naypyitaw Sibin Bank and the deputy mayor of Naypyitaw early last year. 

The situation has raised concerns about conflicts of interest, as MPs and their close associates, including spouses and other family members, engage in business activities that are subject to government oversight and which may benefit from political connections.

‘Are they honest in what they do?’

Khin Moe Aye, the wife of MP Bo Bo Oo and a director of the RCDPC, said that the company was set up soon after Nyi Pu, the Rakhine state chief minister, asked her husband for help finding entrepreneurs to undertake a development project in his state.

“Frankly speaking, I want to help Uncle Nyi. This state still hasn’t had much development. If they can show this project, it may encourage further development. And if it really gets off the ground, our party will get votes for the next five years,” said Khin Moe Aye, who is also the chair of the NLD's women's working committee in Yangon region.

“It’s not good because it makes NLD forces looks like a business group,” said an MP who spoke to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity 

However, when Win Myint, the state’s minister for municipal affairs, and Kyaw Aye Thein, the minister for planning, finance, tax and economy, were asked if the RCDPC was established at the behest of the chief minister, they said they didn’t know the company.

One MP who is close to Nyi Pu said that Ye Min Oo had often offered to turn the Zee Gone ground into a resort area and fix up the Ngapali market, which had been neglected due to a lack of interest in investing in Rakhine state. However, Ye Min Oo was not able to follow through with his plans, he said, leaving the state in a difficult position.

The MP, who did not want to be identified by name, added that only Ye Min Oo had been considered for the resort scheme, because of his economic background. He also said that he would inform the party of fellow NLD members’ involvement in the project because he felt it hurt the party’s image.

“It’s not good because it makes NLD forces looks like a business group. Is it true that they are honest in what they do? It isn’t good for the public to hear about things like this,” the MP said.

Tangled ties

According to RCDPC board member Thin July Kyaw (the ex-wife of NLD Pyithu Hluttaw MP Phyo Zeyar Thaw), Ye Min Oo sought help setting up a public company that would create job opportunities for local people and offer shares at an affordable price. To get this venture started, she said, she brought in close friends as partners.

So far, she added, Ye Min Oo has not made any money off of the company, despite initial share prices being fixed at 1mn kyat ($742) apiece. (Once the company was up and running, she said, shares would be offered to local people for a few tens of thousands of kyat each.)

But that was before the board of directors dissolved the company, only to restart it in October 2019 with Ye Min Oo’s wife Aye Nandar Sein as the new chair.

Throughout his business career, Ye Min Oo has had a history of distancing himself from companies that he either started or has been closely associated with, even as he has maintained ties with them.

“The main thing is for the ruling party to figure out how to prevent conflicts of interest,” Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability 

In 2014, a year after he became a member of the NLD’s information committee, he resigned as managing director of Asia Green Development (AGD) Bank, owned by military crony Tay Za. Despite his departure from the bank, he remains close to Tay Za’s Htoo Group, a number of whose senior executives sit on the boards of companies founded by Ye Min Oo. 

It was also in 2014 that he started Grand National Capital (GNC), a company set up to serve as a subcontractor for Min Kyan Sit, a construction firm owned by Nandar Hla Myint, a senior member of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This was after Min Kyan Sit had received a contract under the then USDP government to build the publicly-funded Aye Tharyar housing project in Shan state.

Despite receiving a 4bn-kyat loan from the Shan state government, however, Min Kyan Sit failed to complete the project. GNC later took over, but was also unable to finish the job. The company now owes Shan state 2.4bn-kyat ($1.78mn).

Nay Lin, the Shan state cabinet secretary, told Myanmar Now that Ye Min Oo personally attended a meeting called by the state government in April of this year to negotiate repayment of money borrowed in connection with the Aye Tharyar project. This is despite the fact that he resigned from GNC’s board of directors in September 2019—the same month he stepped down as chair of RCDPC. His wife, Aye Nandar Sein, currently serves as its managing director. 

During that meeting, the company agreed to repay its debt within 60 days. So far, however, it has yet to do so.

Conflict concerns

Despite his business troubles, Ye Min Oo has seen a steady rise in his political fortunes under the NLD. He has been a member of the party’s economic committee since 2016, and in June of this year he was appointed to serve as Yangon region’s minister for finance and planning. Now, after running as an NLD candidate in last month’s election, he is set to assume duties as an elected representative in the region’s legislature.

Transparency watchdogs say that Ye Min Oo’s demonstrated penchant for mixing business and political connections is rife with potential problems.

“Such cases need to be monitored and investigated by both the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission,” said political analyst Dr Yan Myo Thein 

Ye Lin Myint, the national coordinator of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA), said that international companies could play a role in pointing out how having a large number of ruling party MPs and other party members in a company could lead to conflicts of interest. 

“The main thing is for the ruling party to figure out how to prevent conflicts of interest. The principles and procedures must be transparent,” he told Myanmar Now.

NLD spokesperson Dr Myo Nyunt defended the right of party members and their families to set up companies and run businesses, but added that it would be illegal for them to take advantage of their political position when applying for projects.

“If you think you have special privileges, it is a conflict of interest,” he said, before adding that he thought it was “doubtful” that such situations would arise among party members.

Political analyst Dr Yan Myo Thein took a less trusting view, insisting that MPs involved in private business ventures should be subjected to careful scrutiny.

“Such cases need to be monitored and investigated by both the government and the Anti-Corruption Commission. If people close to the ruling party and the authorities set up companies and operate in an improper way, it means they are taking advantage of their positions,” he said.

In an interview with Myanmar Now earlier this year, Aung Kyi, the chair of the Anti-Corruption Commission, said that conflicts of interest do not constitute actual cases of corruption, but were a very serious problem because they could easily lead to abuses of power.

Myanmar Now contacted Ye Min Oo for comment, but did not receive a reply. 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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