Poverty drives Myanmar girls into underage sex work

Buying underage girls for sex is fuelled in part by a belief that sleeping with virgins has health benefits, such as long life and curing HIV (Photo - Khun Latt / Myanmar Now)
Buying underage girls for sex is fuelled in part by a belief that sleeping with virgins has health benefits, such as long life and curing HIV (Photo - Khun Latt / Myanmar Now)

RANGOON — Sixteen-year-old Wut Yee, left to fend for herself and her younger brother, was relieved when her exhausted mother finally came home after a week’s disappearance, but the feeling was short-lived.

Her mother had two devastating pieces of news for her: Since her husband remarried she had been working as a sex worker to make ends meet and she had just agreed to sell her daughter’s virginity to a businessman for $3,000.

Wut Yee, who requested to change her name for this story, had quit school to handle household chores and look after her brother and she had no other source of income. Money was in short supply. The monsoon was coming and their thatch-roofed house in Rangoon’s Hlaing Thar Yar Township required urgent repairs; her brother’s school fees and old debts also needed to be paid.

“My mother said: ‘I’ve already accepted the money. I worry you would be in pain since you’ve never done it before, so I’ve paid an advance fee to the clinic at the top of our street to give you anesthetics.’ I cried the whole night,” Wut Yee said, recalling the events from two years ago.

 

 

“The next morning, I had to follow this man after the doctor injected me with anesthetics. He took me in his car to a house on the outskirts of town. I spent the whole day with him. I wasn’t in pain when he sent me back home in the evening because of the medication, but I couldn’t walk properly,” the petite girl told Myanmar Now.

Soon afterwards, Wut Yee found herself working at a massage parlor that doubles as a brothel near Ba Yint Naung wholesale market, one of Rangoon’s busiest places. After two months, she quit over disagreements with colleagues and exploitation by the owner, and she decided to ply the trade alone on the streets, often following men more than twice her age into dingy hotel rooms.

 

 

Due to the clandestine nature of sex work in Burma, it is almost impossible to know how many underage girls like Wut Yee are engaged in the work in Rangoon, the country’s biggest city with more than 5 million inhabitants. Myanmar Now found one underage sex worker after interviewing more than a dozen workers, but was told that it was not uncommon for teenage girls to end up in the trade.

Aid workers warn the problem could worsen if authorities ignore it, especially as Burmese society opens up after half a century of isolation under military rule. They also say rehabilitation and support is more important than punitive measures.

“This issue is directly linked to poverty,” said Dr. Sid Naing, country director for Marie Stopes International Myanmar, which runs health education and support programs.

“Underage sex workers have existed for a while so it is important the authorities do not deny their existence. Otherwise, their numbers could increase. It is also equally important for society to not just criticize them, but to understand why it happened and help them get on the right path,” he added.

“At a time when it is universally acknowledged that child labor is unacceptable, using children for sex should be completely out of bounds.”

Virgin Market

The practice of buying underage girls for sex is fuelled in part by superstitious beliefs that sleeping with virgins has health benefits, such as long life and curing the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), said Dr. Sid Naing.

Most underage girls arrive in big, commercial cities due to a combination of family difficulties and a lack of opportunities for well-paid jobs in the countryside, said Thu Zar Win from the Sex Worker in Myanmar Network.

“Most child sex workers enter this profession because their parents or guardians sold their virginity,” she said. “In most cases, they themselves see very little money because pimps and brokers usually take a large cut.”

Some 0.45 percent of Burma’s women between 15 to 49 years of age—an estimated 40,000 to 80,000—are engaged in paid sex work, according to government and United Nations figures released in 2013.

Poh Poh, a 21-year-old sex worker who requested not to use her real name, says most girls who became sex workers via the virgin market face difficulties leaving the industry. Many tend to work in brothels disguised as beauty salons or massage parlors, as they provide better protection than roaming the streets, she said.

“I’m also scared to ply the trade on the street,” said Poh Poh, a single mother who became a sex worker a year ago after separating from her husband.

Sex Work and the Law

Arresting and punishing sex workers would not eliminate prostitution, said Dr. Sid Naing from Marie Stopes. “I don’t want to say anything about whether sex work should be legal or not. What we can do is to accept the reality that they exist and help them so that they don’t face more suffering.”

Observers also say the current law governing sex work, the 1949 Suppression of Prostitution Act, limits workers’ access to healthcare and makes them vulnerable to threats and harassment from security officials.

Under the law it is illegal to solicit prostitution, force or entice a woman into sex work, and operate or work in a brothel. It was amended in 1998 to increase sentences to between one and three years in prison, and to provide an expanded definition of what constitutes a brothel to “any house, building, room, any kind of vehicle/ vessel/ aircraft or place habitually used for the purpose of prostitution or used with reference to any kind of business for the purpose of prostitution.”

Since Burma’s political reforms began, opposition lawmakers and activists have called for amendments to the law. Sandar Min, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker, submitted a proposal in parliament calling for decriminalization of sex work in 2013, but it was rejected. Taw Win Khayay, a network of sex workers, is calling for an analysis and rewriting of the law.

Local media reported in July that a parliamentary committee proposed amendments to the law that would make procurement of sex punishable with a prison term of up to one year with hard labor, and a fine. It also proposed adding a section on “rehabilitating” sex workers through education.

The current 1949 law does not allow the arrest and detention of clients of female sex workers and police could only educate them, said Major Thi Thi-Myint, deputy head of Rangoon Police’s crime statistics department.

Of the 1,772 prostitution-related crimes in 2014, very few relate to cases of sex workers under the age of 18, she said. “If we apprehend underage sex workers, we don’t send them to prison. We send them to youth rehabilitation schools and teach them vocational skills and general knowledge that would help them to leave this job,” she added.

Sex Education

Aid workers say underage sex work is not only morally reprehensible but also physically harmful.

Underdeveloped sexual organs are easier to bruise and injure and are vulnerable to sexually-transmitted diseases, said Dr. Sid Naing. Underage sex workers also tend to have poor knowledge of sex and how to protect themselves, he added, putting them at considerable risk in a country with a high HIV prevalence rate.

A 2014 UNAIDS report estimated that some 189,000 people in Burma live with HIV. Government figures cited in the study state that 23 percent of recorded HIV-infections in Rangoon and Mandalay occurred among sex workers.

According to Sex Worker in Myanmar Network’s Thu Zar Win, sex education is almost non-existent for youths.

“It’s not just underage sex workers that lack knowledge of sexual issues. Young men are also unaware of such issues. They need to be conscious of other sexually-transmitted diseases that could spread, not only HIV.”

“Parents and business owners need to protect children who became sex workers for various reasons. They entered this industry because they were exploited,” she added.

Wut Yee had never encountered sex education. She was making an average of $30 a day in a country where, according to a UN report released last year, 43 percent of adults live on less than $2 per day.

“I was happy with how much I was making, but what terrified me was that my mother’s health deteriorated. We found out at the end of last year that she has HIV,”she said. “She was aware of the possibility of getting infected with the virus in her line of work, but I got really scared when it happened.”

Struggle

Without a high school degree, job opportunities for Wut Yee were scarce. But she decided to quit prostitution for a less-paid but safer job of a salesgirl at one of the hundreds of mobile phone shops in Rangoon.

She is still struggling to explain to buyers the different phone models, brands and prices. She is two months into the new job and finding it difficult to grasp the technical terms and specifications. Yet she says she is determined to make it work.

“I am only earning $80 a month now but I feel there is more security,” she said.

She regularly wonders whether she should return to prostitution, even if temporarily, to allay her family’s financial troubles. Her mother, now a street vendor and receiving healthcare through an aid agency, is against the idea, Wut Yee said. They now try and make do with their meager income while her younger brother continues his schooling.

Wut Yee hopes one day to find a husband who she could be honest with about her past. For now, aware of the deep discrimination toward sex workers in a deeply conservative society, she is not taking any chances. None of her co-workers know of her past.

“I don’t want to blame my mother for what happened to me. I will get married one day and I’m only thinking of ensuring my daughters do not have to suffer the same fate,” she said.

Htet Khaung Linn is a Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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