Myanmar’s radical Buddhists target Muslim businesses, with official help

Since late 2013, a campaign supported by Ma Ba Tha has forced dozens of Muslim-owned slaughterhouses and beef-processing facilities across the Ayeyarwady Region to shut down.

Calling for donations to save cattle, a roadside poster in the Ayeyarwady Delta town of Kyaungon depicts an image of a cow and a verse glorifying the animal's mythical role as "mother" to mankind. (Myanmar Now)

Last year a Muslim businessman called Lwin Tun set up a factory in Labutta, a town in Myanmar's Ayeyarwady Delta. He spent $330,000 on buildings and cooling systems, but couldn't buy the product his factory was meant to process: meat.

That's because Labutta's seven cattle slaughterhouses, also Muslim-owned, had suddenly gone out of business. In January 2014 they had tried to renew their licenses, but local authorities had already sold them to an association led by members of the radical Buddhist group Ma Ba Tha.

The Muslim slaughterhouses went bust - and so, after just three months, did Lwin Tun's meat-processing factory.

Myanmar's Muslim minority make up about 5 percent of the country's predominantly Buddhist population and Muslims living in the delta rely heavily on the slaughterhouse business and the beef trade.

 

 

Religious tensions simmered in Myanmar for almost half a century of military rule, boiling over in 2012, just a year after a semi-civilian government took power.

Now Muslim businesses have become the target of anti-Islamic sentiment propagated by radical Buddhists who have found a powerful voice in Myanmar's more open political landscape.

 

 

Since late 2013, a campaign supported by Ma Ba Tha has forced dozens of Muslim-owned slaughterhouses and beef-processing facilities across the Ayeyarwady Region to shut down, with thousands of cows seized from their Muslim owners, this investigation has found.

Other Muslims whose businesses have survived have watched their incomes plummet.

Government documents obtained by this reporter and interviews with officials show that Ayeyarwady Region's top officials supported the campaign against Muslim slaughterhouses.

Radical Buddhist activists also received government permission to transport hundreds of seized cows to Rakhine State in western Myanmar, the scene of violence between Rakhine Buddhists and mostly stateless Rohingya Muslims.

There, they donated the animals to Buddhists who have resettled from eastern Bangladesh.

Lwin Tun, 49, also has interests in construction, real estate and hotels in the delta and in the commercial capital Yangon. But thanks to Ma Ba Tha, he said, his business prospects in Labutta look bleak.

"Campaign activities calling for a boycott of Muslim-owned businesses have been going on in the town," he said. "Pamphlets are being handed out. Police know about it, but they don't take action."

Religious freedom

The campaign against the slaughterhouses and beef trade threatens both livelihoods and religious freedoms, Muslims say. The shortage of cattle and tightening of government restrictions prevented Muslim communities in the delta from celebrating last year's Eid al-Adha festival, where cows are slaughtered in accordance with Islamic tradition.

"This activity constitutes a direct violation of our fundamental religious rights," said Al Haji Aye Lwin, chief convener of Yangon's Islamic Centre. "I estimate (Muslim) businesses in general are losing about 30 percent of their profits."

Kyaw Sein Win, a spokesman for Ma Ba Tha at its Yangon headquarters, said saving lives was central to Buddhist philosophy.

“We are not deliberately targeting (Muslim) businesses. They would kill animals as they believe this is how they gain merit. That’s the main difference between us and them,” he said in a phone interview.

Myanmar has seen a rise in sectarian tension and anti-Muslim rhetoric led by nationalist Buddhist movements since 2011, when the military handed power to a nominally civilian government made up of former generals. The country's faltering democratic transition will take its next step with elections on November 8, the first in decades to be contested by all main opposition parties.

Ma Ba Tha, or the Patriotic Association of Myanmar, an association born out of the Buddhist extremist movement known as 969, has gained prominence in Myanmar's nascent democracy. It was founded in June 2013, following outbreaks of violence between Buddhists and Muslims in 2012.

"Our region is faced with the risk of losing all its cattle. The kalars have killed thousands of them," said Pyinyeinda, a monk in Athoke, using a derogatory term for people of Indian heritage. "Do you know why? They are practising how to cut our throats."

The group says Myanmar and Buddhism are under threat from Islam and has managed to get four so-called "Race and Religion" bills - seemingly designed to discriminate against Muslims - supported by parliament. On September 14, the group began a series of celebrations in Yangon and a number of towns to mark the success of their campaign.

At the closing of its second convention in June, which the group said was attended by 6,800 monks and laymen, Ma Ba Tha released a statement saying it would call on the government to ban Muslims from slaughtering animals during religious events.

Critics of Ma Ba Tha say their activities are not representative of all Buddhist clergy in Myanmar, which is 250,000 strong according to government data. Within the monks' order, known as the Sangha, concern has been raised that Ma Ba Tha's policies do not reflect the essence of Buddhism.

"Practising to cut our throats"

Supporters of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi say the nationalist campaign is being used by the military-linked elite to attack her and her National League for Democracy party during a crucial election year. Monks associated with Ma Ba Tha have publicly accused the NLD of failing to protect Buddhism.

While calls for a boycott of Muslim-owned businesses have been less effective in big cities, the anti-slaughtering campaign, drawing on a traditional Buddhist abhorrence of killing cows, has resonated with Buddhists in the Ayeyarwady Delta.

Here, among an expanse of paddies and waterways where most of Myanmar's rice is grown, tens of thousands of Muslims, mostly town-based traders, live among some six million rice farmers - most of them Buddhists.

Myanmar farmers traditionally keep cows and bullocks as draft animals and only sell them to slaughterhouses to raise quick cash to pay for a wedding or medical treatment. The Ma Ba Tha-backed campaign has not called on farmers to stop selling their cattle, but instead has taken over slaughterhouse licenses.

In 2014, Ma Ba Tha monks in the Ayeyarwady delta formed Jivitadana Thetkal ("Save and Rescue Lives"), appealing to monasteries in the Ayeyarwady Region to each raise about $100 from their congregation and donate it to buying up licenses.

Ma Ba Tha’s spokesman Kyaw Sein Win said: “We support this campaign by Jivitadana Thetkal… Most of the monks in the Jivitadana Thetkal campaign are members of Ma Ba Tha but we don’t give any direct instructions from the headquarters.”

Radical Buddhist monks have delivered fiery sermons in delta villages to spread the idea that cattle-slaughtering was an affront to Buddhism and part of an Islamic plot to exterminate cattle.

"It's time to be alert," warn the lyrics of a song played at such events. "Buddhist monks and lay people, be no longer passive. If you are, our race and religion will cease to exist."

Pyinyeinda, 65, is one of dozens of abbots in the Ayeyarwady Region who has come out in support of the campaign.

"Our region is faced with the risk of losing all its cattle. The kalars have killed thousands of them," said Pyinyeinda, a monk in Athoke, using a derogatory term for people of Indian heritage. "Do you know why? They are practising how to cut our throats."

Government cooperation

Ma Ba Tha representatives said they have raised enough funds to buy up licenses across all 26 townships in Ayeyarwady Region, and they sometimes received government support for their plan.

Sitting at a desk piled with books for teaching children about Ma Ba Tha, Ayeyarwady Region Chief Minister Thein Aung said he had approved a 50 percent discount on licenses sold to the group, and supported their raids.

"As a Buddhist, I don't approve of cattle slaughtering. Therefore, I complied with the requests of the monks leading this campaign. I have favoured them to get the slaughter licenses," said the former general who was appointed as chief minister by President Thein Sein in 2011.

He said his office sends "special teams" to make arrests if campaigners provide tip-offs about supposed violations of slaughterhouse licenses by business owners.

In several delta townships, such as in Labutta, Ma Ba Tha members said they managed to buy up all licenses and put local Muslim-owned slaughterhouses out of business.

In Pantanaw Township, campaigners raised about $15,000 in donations to obtain all four slaughter licenses in 2013 at a 50 percent discount, according to Kumara, a high-profile nationalist monk from Pantanaw who is a Ma Ba Tha central committee member.

Kumara said some 80 cows were saved as a result. He said his group continued to receive discounts - this time 30 percent - for their successful bids on licenses in 2014 and 2015.

A government document obtained by this reporter, marked "secret" and signed by Ayeyarwady Region Secretary Aye Kyaw on behalf of Thein Aung in November 2014, mentions that Ma Ba Tha successfully "bid on slaughter licenses in 15 townships."

In other areas, Ma Ba Tha members began to monitor and raid Muslim-owned slaughterhouses and cattle transport, claiming violations of license terms that limit how many animals can be killed.

The 2014 government document instructs administrative officials in all 26 townships to cooperate with Ma Ba Tha members who monitor slaughterhouses. The letter urges monks to refrain from getting directly involved in these activities.

Night-time raids

In small towns and villages dotted around the Ayeyarwady delta, few people venture out when darkness falls over the vast expanse of paddy fields and zigzagging waterways. But in Kyonpyaw Township, some 150 km west of Yangon, Win Shwe, a local Ma Ba Tha secretary, and a group of monks and laymen have been active at night.

In 2014, the group raised about $25,000 through public donations to buy up six slaughter licenses, but the most expensive license in the town remained out of their reach. So they decided to establish that the slaughterhouse was violating its license conditions.

"That slaughter house was allowed to butcher only a single cow a day. If we saw some suspicious signs such as more cows being dragged inside, then we would run into the building from our hiding place and check what was going on," he said during an interview at a local cafe.

"In our first two raids we found that more cows than legally permitted were being killed. So we pressured the municipal department to blacklist the Muslim owner. He was finally blacklisted and ordered to close down his slaughterhouse,” Win Shwe said proudly.

Campaigners such as Win Shwe appeared motivated by a mix of Buddhist beliefs, traditional veneration of cows, prejudice against Muslims, and a desire to fight government corruption.

The vigilante raids highlight the complex relationship between Myanmar authorities and Buddhist nationalist groups, which sometimes appear to have support from the government, while at other times are at odds with it.

Protecting the 'western gate'

Win Shwe and his colleagues claimed that more than 4,000 live cattle had been seized in the delta since early 2014. Many were subsequently donated as draft animals to poor Ayeyarwady farmers on condition they would not be killed or sold.

But in mid-2014, according to documents obtained by this reporter, campaigners received government approval for a new plan that involved sending cattle seized in the delta to Buddhist communities in Maungdaw Township, around 500 km away.

Impoverished Maungdaw, the westernmost town of Myanmar, is situated on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border in northern Rakhine State, where Muslims outnumber Buddhist Rakhines.

The border, which Ma Ba Tha likes to call the country's 'Western Gate', has been under strict government control.

In the past couple of years, hundreds of ethnic Rakhines who were living in eastern Bangladesh have resettled on the Myanmar side of the border, according to media reports. Meanwhile, the authorities use the term Bengali to refer to the Rohingya, implying they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Authorities have sent these Buddhists to live in "model villages" in Maungdaw, in what appears to be an attempt to increase the Buddhist population.

In a letter dated August 26, 2014, Ayeyarwady Region authorities notified various townships that they had approved a request by the Young Men's Buddhist Association in Yangon to gather 100 bovines and ship them from the delta's Maubin port to Maungdaw.

Win Shwe said this was "to protect the Western Gate against the influx of Muslims".

He provided this reporter photos and a video recording of a September 4 ceremony where monks, Rakhine State officials and senior military officers attended an event to donate the cattle to Buddhist villagers in Maungdaw.

Sein Aung, who said he is a Buddhist Rakhine and a former military intelligence officer, heads the Shwepyithar Township branch office of the Young Men's Buddhist Association in Yangon.

He said he helped to ship cattle seized by Win Shwe's Ma Ba Tha branch to Maungdaw using Thuriya Sandar Win shipping company in Yangon, adding that he had coordinated the plan with Rakhine State authorities and Zaw Aye Maung, the Yangon Region Minister for Rakhine ethnic affairs. In a phone interview, Zaw Aye Maung confirmed this.

"If we don't have the Western Gate the mainland will be flooded with Bengalis [Muslims from Bangladesh]," said Sein Aung, sitting in an office lavishly decorated with nationalist materials, including flags bearing Buddhist swastikas.

Reputation

Sean Turnell, an economics professor at Sydney's Macquarie University, said the Ma Ba Tha boycott affecting Muslim businesses harmed Myanmar's international image among potential investors who are concerned about political instability.

"On a smaller scale, it seems all sorts of businesses are being impacted, from small shops, transport operators, to moneylenders," he said.

A Muslim restaurant owner in the delta town of Kyaungon said his income had dropped from about $100 to $20 per day following the boycott, and a Muslim neighbour had closed his restaurant and left.

The man, who asked not to be named, said he could no longer supply halal beef to his customers.

"You can't buy beef in the whole Ayeyarwady Region. If you want to eat halal beef you have to ask someone to bring it down from Yangon," he said in a whisper.

In front of his restaurant hung a huge poster with an image of a cow and a verse glorifying the animal's mythical role as "mother" to mankind, presumably put there by Ma Ba Tha sympathisers.

Most Muslims living in the Ayeyarwady delta dare not speak out against the campaign for fear of provoking Ma Ba Tha's ire. Some said the Muslim community can only lie low, hoping the current wave of fervent Buddhist nationalism subsides.

"We have no other country to flee to," said Khin Maung, the leader of a mosque in Kyaungon. "We are all born and raised here."

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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