Myanmar’s illegal trade in medical waste poses coronavirus risk

Myanmar Now investigation finds waste collectors selling used syringes and intravenous drips to be made into household goods

Cho Cho Aung sorts through used syringes, nasal breathing tubes and urine and blood bags in front of her house on January 10, 2020. Her family buys the medical waste from wholesalers in Sawbwa Gyi Gon market, in north Yangon’s Insein township. (Photo: Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

Two garbage disposal workers spent half an hour rummaging through mounds of medical waste with their bare hands on a recent morning outside the Bahosi Hospital in Yangon. 

Dressed in orange uniforms issued by the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) they plucked blood-stained intravenous drip tubes and used syringes from red trash bags and tossed them into yellow ones. 

These bags were destined for neighbourhoods in Yangon’s outskirts, where residents process and clean the high-grade plastic before selling it on to be made into household goods.  

 

 

Even at the best of times, this illegal practice risks spreading diseases like hepatitis, HIV, dysentery and respiratory tract infections. But with Myanmar’s count of confirmed coronavirus cases rising, it raises the prospect that waste from patients infected with the highly contagious new virus could also be mishandled. 

There is not yet enough research into the novel coronavirus to say exactly how much it could spread via medical waste, said Dr Meru Sheel, an expert on the spread of infectious diseases at the Australian National University.   

 

 

“What we do know is the virus can survive on surfaces for varying amounts of time. Depending on the material, but it does survive,” she told Myanmar Now. 

Research published last month by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases in the US found the virus can persist on plastic and stainless steel for up to three days. 

Myanmar Now approached Bahosi Hospital for an interview, but a doctor there named San Win declined the request.

The health ministry has confirmed 16 coronavirus infections and one death in Myanmar as of Wednesday, with just under 600 people tested out of a population of some 53 million.

Several embassies in Yangon last month urged their citizens to leave the country amid warnings that an already underfunded and fragile healthcare system could be overwhelmed with cases.

Laws flouted 

Myanmar Now’s investigation found that local bylaws requiring waste disposal workers to safely bury or incinerate hazardous medical waste are routinely flouted.

Three of the 2,500 tonnes of waste produced in Yangon every day - or about 0.12% - come from medical facilities, according to the YCDC website. The World Health Organization estimates about 15% of such waste is hazardous.

The needles, scalpels, intravenous tubes, catheters and expired drugs collected by specially designated YCDC trucks are supposed to end up at the incinerator in Htein Pin cemetery in Hlaing Tharyar, on Yangon’s industrial western outskirts.

But much of it is diverted to residential areas. During a visit to Bonmar Street in North Okkalapa in January, Myanmar Now saw bags full of bloody tubes piled up by a fence near the edge of a drainage ditch.

In a building on the other side of the fence, about 10 people sat sorting through a two-foot high pile of used syringes before taking them to a nearby water tank to wash. 

The syringes are then laid out along the street to dry in the sun. 

The plastic pellets from this waste are sold to manufacturers of water hoses, flower pots, chairs and other consumer goods, said U Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Plastic Industries Association.

Since the plastic is not used for kitchen utensils or food storage products, the practice is completely safe, he claimed. 

But staff at the North Okkalapa plant told a reporter posing as a potential buyer that pellets from used syringes are mixed with other plastics to make spoons. 

Regardless of whether the final products are used for food, doctors and health officials say the practice endangers the health of the people handling the waste and the wider public. 

‘It reeks of chemicals’ 

In Shwe Pyi Thar township, Cho Cho Aung’s front yard is covered in plastic sacks that her family buys from wholesalers in Sawbwa Gyi Gon market in Insein, north Yangon. 

The bags, which arrive at the market straight from hospitals and clinics, are full of used syringes, nasal breathing tubes and urine and blood bags. 

Her family cleans the plastic and sells it to manufacturers of plastic pellets, who sell the pellets to producers of household goods. 

To clean intravenous tubes, workers like Cho Cho Aung cut them open and hang them up. Then they use a roller clamp to squeeze any residual blood or bodily fluids out onto the ground. 

The tubes are washed with bleach or a weak acid solution, then with soap and water, then left out to dry. Workers often tip the wastewater out onto the street or in their front yard, where it flows into drainage ditches. 

“This waste is not like other waste. It reeks of chemicals,” Cho Cho Aung said while sitting on a pile of empty garbage bags in front of her home. “I start to feel dizzy after breathing it in for a while.” 

Guidelines from WHO urge hospital staff to use protection like masks, gloves, boots and leg guards while handling biohazardous waste. Garbage collectors should use designated, enclosed trucks to transport them, the guidelines say. Those rules shape guidelines for YCDC staff. 

According to the most recent guidelines from the health and sports ministry, used needles and other sharps should be put in red biohazard bags, and all other infectious waste in yellow bags. 

“Sharps and infectious waste must be collected properly and transported directly to the disposal area. Our department does not allow staff to rummage through hospital garbage bags,” a YCDC representative who declined to give her name told Myanmar Now. 

‘Poor waste management’ 

A plastics trader in Insein township told Myanmar Now they buy more than 700 pounds (317kg) of medical waste a week from YCDC garbage collectors in Yangon, Mandalay, Kyaukse and Pathein. 

Staff at pellet plants in Mayangone and North Okkalapa townships told Myanmar Now they bought hazardous waste directly from hospital and YCDC employees.

Dr Thar Tun Kyaw, director general of the health ministry, disputes these claims.

“I am sure that waste isn’t coming from hospitals because we have separate garbage bins for that,” he told Myanmar Now. 

He said hospitals, public or private, would lose their operating licenses if they’re found to be improperly disposing of waste. 

Dr Tin Nyo Nyo Latt, head of the Shwe Lamin hospital in North Okkalapa township, said poor supervision at hospitals is a problem.  

A 2017 report by the health ministry and the Myanmar Medical Association, which she helped write, documented poor waste management practices at Yangon hospitals, including a failure to separate hazardous and non-hazardous waste.

Improper disposal of hazardous waste is punishable by up to three months in prison and fines up to 500,000 kyat under YCDC bylaws. 

Businesses are usually not allowed to process plastics outside of industrial zones, but last year YCDC issued temporary licenses to households in North Okkalapa after local residents applied for permission to do so in their homes, said Kyaw Min Tun, the township YCDC officer. 

In January YCDC found three households were recycling used syringes, he said, but they have yet to take any action.

Cho Cho Aung worries about the effect of such work on her health, but she is struggling for money and sees few other options. “I’m scared I’ll get hepatitis,” she said. “I know it’s risky, but I don’t have a choice.” 

(Editing by Danny Fenster, additional reporting by Joshua Carroll)

 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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