Myanmar’s banks grind to a halt as junta tightens its grip

Opposition to military rule, along with post-coup uncertainty, has brought banking in Myanmar almost to a standstill

 

Published on Feb 27, 2021
 Police face off against government railway workers taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement, which has hobbled banks as well as public services. (Myanmar Now)
Police face off against government railway workers taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement, which has hobbled banks as well as public services. (Myanmar Now)

Almost a month after a military coup that has met with massive popular resistance, Myanmar’s banking system is struggling to function, even as it continues to meet basic needs.

Since February 8, when employees of both government-owned and private banks started joining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule, financial transactions in the country have slowed to a trickle, according to a bank official who asked to remain anonymous.

“The money flow has just stopped,” the official said, stressing that while most bank operations have been suspended, the system remains intact.

The greatest impact has been felt by trading companies, which are unable to complete transactions with international entities requiring letters of credit or telegraphic transfers due to the closure of banks. 

While banks continue to fill ATMs with cash every day and online services are still available, ordinary customers are also facing difficulties because of internet cuts by the new ruling regime and restrictions on bandwidth.

Meanwhile, banks continue to pay their employees even though they are unable to generate income from providing loans or offering services such as foreign currency exchange, a worker at a large local private bank told Myanmar Now.

Another major expense, the worker said, is rent. Although some private banks operate hundreds of branches, most are on leased property.

International banks with ties to local banks are also affected, but not as much as those that depend entirely on domestic business, she added.

State-run banks, such as the Central Bank of Myanmar and Myanma Economic Bank, are still running but have been particularly hard hit by the CDM, a Central Bank employee told Myanmar Now.

mya_2832.jpg

A recent protest in front of the Central Bank office in Yangon. (Myanmar Now) 

 

 

Economic lifeline

While the current situation mainly affects banks and their customers, it’s just a matter of time before the woes of the financial sector begin to affect the wider economy, said one woman working in the industry.

“Most businesses can’t operate without banking services. We don’t know what’s going to happen, but the economy is going to be affected if trade is low,” she said.

A more immediate concern for most, however, is uncertainty about what the new regime will do next. Rumours that 10,000-kyat notes could be scrapped have already prompted many to withdraw their savings.

Since banks operate by accepting deposits from the public and giving loans to businesses in need of money, they wouldn’t have enough to cover all deposits if there were a run on the banks—a scenario that could become a self-fulfilling prophecy if enough people panic over fears of the banks’ stability. 

Customers of military-owned Myawaddy Bank, which reopened on February 15, were forced to wait in line every day to take out their money, and then were only given limited amounts.

Economic pressures stemming from the impact of Covid-1 could also take a toll on banks, as more and more businesses struggle to stay afloat, raising the risk that they won’t be able to repay loans.

“It’s difficult to tell within the first two or three weeks whether the loans will be paid back. There’s no need to worry for now, but in the long run, it’s not good for businesses. If bank loans aren’t paid back, the banks will struggle. And that will become a big problem if it means the entire country lacks liquidity,” said the woman working in the financial services industry.

Managing this delicate situation and ensuring a strong recovery will require a higher level of management skill than the new regime may possess, she added.

It’s also necessary, she said, to consider the economic repercussions of the international reaction to the coup, which has already resulted in targeted sanctions that could be a further drag on local companies’ ability to do business. 

Sanctions imposed by the US (which are likely to be followed by others from the UK and EU) are only supposed to affect leaders of the junta; but in a country where many people have similar names, international banks may take longer to process even legal transactions by those who are not on the blacklist, say people in the banking industry.  

 

Restoring trust

After nearly a month of protests, the regime is showing signs that it is losing patience with resistance to its rule. As fears of a violent crackdown grow, few will be focussed on the fate of the country’s teetering banks. But how the authorities handle protesters over the coming days and weeks could well determine financial institutions’ prospects for survival.

Measures such as nightly shutdowns of the internet, which aim to stifle dissent while sparing daytime business operations, aren’t helping. By demonstrating its willingness to impose strict controls over every aspect of online life, the junta has revived fears of heavy-handed interference in the economy.

Win Thaw, the junta-appointed vice chair of the Central Bank, has attempted to restore the situation to normal by instructing banks to re-open by any means possible. Last week, he told Myanmar Now that the bank is trying to continue providing online banking and ATM services.

But as the World Bank has announced that it will only permit the transfer of funds needed to complete previously approved projects, it will take more than reassuring words to save Myanmar’s banks—and its economy—from the disastrous impact of the coup.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

Continue Reading

A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading