MP Quits Charter Amendment Panel Over NLD ‘Bullying’

‘If we continue like this we will lose face with ethnic people,’ Sein Win says

Sein Win discussing in the parliament (Photo - Sein Win Facebook)

Three members of an NLD-led panel to amend Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution have quit in response to the way the ruling party is handling the process.

The parliamentary committee, which until this week had 45 members, has submitted a report with more than 3,700 suggestions for changes to the controversial charter, which entrenches the military’s role in politics.

But some feel the NLD, which has the most MPs on the committee, is ignoring the wishes of ethnic parties who would like to see swifter action to remove the military from politics and establish a federal system.

Myanmar Now sat down in Nay Pyi Taw with Sein Win, one of the MPs who quit the panel on Monday. Sein Win is a former NLD member who left the party to form the National United Democratic Party two years ago.

 

 

Myanmar Now: Why did you quit the joint committee?

They held a meeting on 29 August to select a bill out of the compilation of the draft bills. I asked them to use the secret ballot system instead of a show of hands to vote on the bill. I told them it was the only way for the 45 members to vote freely and that it would be the best for the country. I requested this twice. Two or three members from the ethnic parties agreed with my request, but they rejected it in the end with a load of excuses.

 

 

After the joint committee’s meeting, when we started drafting the bill, I noticed only proposals by that one big party [the NLD] were passed. None of the proposals by the ethnic people from the smaller parties were approved. If we continue like this, all the amendments in the constitution will be done by one party only, we will lose face with the ethnic people. I see it as bullying, and I quit because I don’t want to be part of it. I don’t want to go down in history as one of those responsible for the mistakes and weaknesses of constitutional amendment.

How did committee officials respond when you requested a change to the voting system?

They said the joint committee members were selected by the parties and we used the show-of-hands voting system because party members must follow their party’s directions. They explained to me that they must comply with the party’s policy. It was very sad.

When you say party, do you mean the NLD?

Yes.

A show-of-hands voting system won’t allow NLD members, the majority in the committee, to vote freely, but the secret ballot system would allow them to do so...

That’s right. They would have a chance to vote freely and choose the truth.

What did the committee officials say when you submitted your resignation letter?

The committee officials haven’t said a thing regarding my resignation.

Which decisions from the first joint committee meeting do you disagree with?

For example, there is a section in chapter 1 that enables the defence services “to be able to participate in the national political leadership role of the State.” The ethnic parties, including me, want to abolish this section. But the NLD, the big party, wrote that the defence services can still participate in political matters. This is not following the original aim of establishing a federal union system.

What was the Tatmadaw’s contribution to the constitutional amendment meetings?

The Tatmadaw just observed. They did nothing unusual. They didn’t vote. They just listened and gave casual suggestions. They didn’t participate actively, they just observed as if they were trying to decipher the others.

How about the USDP representatives?

They acted the same way.

And the ethnic parties?

All ethnic people are affected by the constitution but only 14 members of the joint committee are ethnic people. So they have only 14 votes and they don’t agree with each other. The Mons want to amend this way, the Rakhines want another way, and the Shans don’t agree with either of them. I can’t bear to watch them. It’s a waste of time with no benefit. The amendments will happen under the big party’s direction, with or without me. I decided to just quit because it would be the same outcome with or without me.

How likely do you think it is that the constitution will be amended, given that the military can veto changes under chapter 12?

The draft bill will reach the union parliament for sure. But the bill won’t fulfil the constitutional amendment committee’s goals as it will have weaknesses, mainly on the matter of the federal union system that ethnic people desire.

Some think that amendments will never happen because of chapter 12. But I think the NLD are trying to amend the constitution because they have the ability to overcome chapter 12. I can’t say for sure how they plan to overcome it though.

So the NLD party can make it happen one way or another even if they can’t amend everything they want to?

I mean we can have a new constitution if the defence services stay in the middle like they are now and cooperate with the union parliament. But the new constitution might include some sections favoured by the military and might not be up to standard.

You said previously that the military will only agree to change the wording in some political and military sections.

Yes. Like I said before, the ethnic people want the military out of politics. They want to abolish the section. But the NLD-led joint committee didn’t abolish it. I don’t want to blame them anymore. If they want to negotiate with the military due to the current situation, it is fine by me. The NLD is the ruling party. But it is necessary to consider some proposals by the ethnic people. If the committee continues to opt for the show-of-hands voting system, the ethnic people won’t be able to amend a thing. 

Do you mean the NLD aims to amend only the sections that the military might support?

You can say that. I think so too. We have only finished chapter 1. It will be clearer after other chapters are finished.

You became an MP representing the NLD and then you quit the party. Now you have resigned from the joint committee. There is some criticism that you quit the committee just to put the NLD in a difficult position. 

I work for the people, the country and the truth. I want them to follow these objectives, but what they’re doing is totally different from these objectives. I can’t just sit still at the joint committee meetings, I will talk. Then I might become an obstacle for the NLD. I quit because I don’t want to be on the same boat with them. No black hand was behind me when I founded the National United Democratic Party after I quit the NLD. I used my meagre savings to found the party so that I can help poor farmers as I am an agriculturist myself. I have faced many difficulties.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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