Military’s proxy party enriched itself with customs x-ray machine that ‘should be owned by the state’

Generous contract terms mean the USDP has made millions of US dollars in fees paid by importers and exporters, even though many never even used the party’s cargo scanner

Shipping containers at the Asia World Port on May 28 (Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now)

The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party made billions of kyat in fees from an x-ray cargo scanner it leased to the government, with much of the money coming from importers and exporters who did not even use the machine.

The unusual contract terms the customs department gave to the party and several companies meant the country lost out on 6bn kyat (about $4.3m) in the financial year ending 2017 alone, Yangon’s auditor general said in a report.

And the department paid the USDP the equivalent of 90m kyat, roughly $65,000, in x-ray fees even after the scanner broke down in 2017, the report said.

The machine was set up at the Asia World port in Yangon in 2006, when the customs department brought in a system to scan cargo at nine ports and two border gates.

The party, which was still officially an association at the time, owned the machine via a company named Myan Gon Myint. The company has since been dissolved and its shares transferred to the USDP.

 

 

Between 2006 and 2018, the party made 16bn kyat in fees at the port, Myanmar Now calculated using figures from the auditor general’s report.

It is unclear how much of that came from traders who did not use the cargo scanner. But in the 2016-2017 financial year the party made 700m kyat in such fees on top of what they took for use of the scanner.

Under rules set by the customs department, certain commodities such as raw materials for the garment industry can be exempt from being x-rayed when they arrive at Myanmar’s ports.

 

 

Companies pay 20,000 kyat per shipping container to have their cargo scanned. But they have to pay the fee even if the containers aren’t scanned, and the x-ray machine owners get the majority of the fee either way.

‘The state should own them’

Net profits from the cargo scanner fees are distributed evenly among the owners after deducting electricity costs, a 5% tax and a 5% fee to cover machine operators’ health care costs, according to the auditor general.

Sandar Min, a Yangon region MP for the NLD and chair of the local Finance, Planning and Economic Committee, said the scanners should belong to the public because they are profitable.

“The state should buy them,” she told Myanmar Now, adding that the customs department “should include this in its budget.”

In the year to April 2017, the USDP and other owners of the machines made 8bn kyat between them, but only 2bn kyat of that from containers that passed through the scanners.

Thet Naing Oo, a senior customs official, disputed the auditor general’s claim that the USDP received money for its machine after it stopped working in 2017.

“It’s not possible they would be paying fees if the machine isn’t functioning,” he told Myanmar Now. “Payments would have been made to compensate for the use only if it was used.

He added that he did not oversee the payments and they were handled by a separate unit. He said he did not know which unit.

Wunna Kyaw Myint, an assistant manager at the Asia World port, said the scanner was collecting dust. “The USDP-owned machine hasn’t left the port. We sent a letter to customs to say we won’t be using this anymore but they haven’t claimed it,” he said.

USDP representatives Thein Htun Oo and Nang Myamya Mimi Zaw said they were not aware of the details about payments after the scanner broke. Party chair Than Htay did not respond to a request for comment.

Strong finances

Myan Gon Myint was founded by the USDP’s predecessor, the Union Solidarity and Development Association. With support from the military, the group established interests in gem mining, construction, agriculture, livestock, imports and exports to fund its operations.

While the company was officially dissolved in late 2015, its shares were transferred to the party, although the details of this process and how the party’s business interests are now managed are unclear.

While its dealings are opaque, the USDP appears to have the strongest finances out of any political party.

In 2015, the last general election year, the party’s monthly expenditure was over 1.4bn kyat, leaders said at the time. During the election, party candidates were given 3m kyat each. The party stood 1,134 candidates, meaning it spent over 3.4bn kyat on candidates alone.

The party’s nearly 5m members pay a 1,000-kyat annual fee, spokesperson Thein Htun Oo told Myanmar Now. That means the party brings in around 5bn kyat, or $3.5m, a year, before taking any profits from its business interests.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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