Military conglomerate shields profits from the public while leaving Myanmar with massive debt 

The Myanmar Economic Corporation hoards enormous amounts of the country’s wealth but has left the public with a $127m-a-year debt burden

Published on Jun 27, 2020
Ministry of Defense officials seen at a press conference on June 22 (Photo- Min Min/ Myanmar Now)
Ministry of Defense officials seen at a press conference on June 22 (Photo- Min Min/ Myanmar Now)

The Tatmadaw has confirmed that it now privately owns one of its conglomerates, fueling criticism that its vast business network operates in the shadows and hoards wealth that should be spent on crumbling public services. 

The Myanmar Economic Corporation, founded by the former military government in 1997, dominates a large swath of Myanmar’s economy with interests in steel, cement, alcoholic beverages, healthcare, transport, telecoms and more.  

Under military rule, it was officially state-owned. But as the country transitioned to partial civilian rule the military set about privatising such companies, thus denying the government access to the profits. 

The finances of MEC and other military companies are opaque, but a UN fact-finding mission last year said the generals used the money to fund war crimes and crimes against humanity. 

 

 

Brigadier General Aung Kyaw Hoe, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Defence, confirmed MEC’s status as a private company owned by military members at a press conference held in Naypyitaw earlier this week 

“It is concerned only with the military,” he said in response to a question from Myanmar Now.

 

 

Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun of the Tatmadaw’s True News Information Team said: “There are other private companies that took over government factories and are operating in line with regulations,” he said.  

“When companies based on the socialist economic system became privatised, MEC did the same,” he added.

He declined to say when exactly MEC was privatised. But Directorate of Investment and Company Administration documents say it was registered in early 2019 as a private company limited by shares.

Brig-Gen Aung Kyaw Hoe said he could not disclose the company’s net worth or how its assets were transferred when it was privatised. 

The defence ministry said MEC paid 55.37 billion kyat in taxes for the business year ending 2018, and 53.8 billion kyat the following year. 

Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun said MEC’s shares are not held by individuals and he was not aware of the details about its profits or the role of military leadership in the company.

MEC’s directors “don’t own any shares” he added. ”They’re working there because they were given the duty,” he said.

Leaving the country in debt, taking the profits

Fifteen years ago, under the military regime, MEC opened the No. 1 Myingyan Steel Mill with a loan of 1.1 billion euros from the China Development Bank. 

The mill left MEC with a large debt burden; interest on the loans is about 500,000,000 kyat per day, or roughly $127m a year. But even though MEC has gone private, taking its profits with it, the government is responsible for repaying this debt. 

The Myingyan mill was transferred to the Ministry of Industry under the Thein Sein government. 

Operations at the mill were shuttered in 2017 because it was losing money. It is estimated that it will take until 2033 to pay off the debt. 

The Tatmadaw’s quartermaster general, who is in charge of supplies for the whole military, including weapons, was appointed a director of MEC.

This, the campaign group Justice for Myanmar told Myanmar Now last week, amounts to “corruption and conflict of interest” that was “by design”. 

Lieutenant General Kyaw Swar Linn’s conflicting positions create a “financial incentive” to continue to fan the flames of civil war, the group said. 

In a public filing from late May by MEC, Kyaw Swar Linn was no longer listed as a director. 

Justice For Myanmar has called for an independent investigation into deep-seated conflicts of interest in the military’s senior ranks.

Nyan Hlaing Lin is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Those arrested include a BBC reporter and a former Mizzima correspondent. 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Photojournalists take cover near the entrance of a monastery where military supporters gathered to attack protesters and media in Yangon on February 18 (EPA-EFE/LYNN BO BO)

A BBC journalist and a former Mizzima News reporter were arrested by men believed to be plainclothes officers in Naypyitaw on Friday afternoon, a family member confirmed.

BBC Burmese journalist Aung Thura was in front of the Dekkhina District court to report on a hearing for National League for Democracy patron Win Htein when he was arrested. Former Mizzima correspondent Than Htike Aung was with him at the time of the arrest.

No further details of the arrest or the reporters’ detention were known at the time of reporting, according to Aung Thura’s relative. 

“I saw some plainclothes officers dragging away a person in trousers into a car,” lawyer Min Min Soe, who was near the court at the time, told Myanmar Now. The man she saw is believed to be Than Htike Aung.  

“Two other officers in plainclothes were hassling another individual in a paso [traditional sarong for men] and glasses,” she said, referring to Aung Thura. “It was quite a scene so I don’t know what happened next.”

BBC News issued a statement on Friday afternoon saying that they are "doing everything [they] can" to find Aung Thura, who they described as being taken away by unidentified men.

“We call on the authorities to help locate him and confirm that he is safe,” the statement said.

As of March 16, a total of 38 journalists had been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup. The latest arrests of the BBC and former Mizzima journalists push this number up to 40.  

Only 22 of these reporters have been released. Ten journalists have been charged with violating Section 505(a) of the penal code, which has been used against people who are seen as causing fear, spreading fake news, or agitating government employees. Under recent amendments to the law, the charges come with a three-year prison sentence if convicted.

Online news website The Irrawaddy has also been charged by the junta as violating the same statute for showing “disregard” for the armed forces in their reporting of the ongoing anti-regime protests.

Five publications, including Myanmar Now and Mizzima had their offices raided and their publishing licenses revoked earlier this month by the regime.

Editor's note: This story was updated to include the BBC's statement, which was not available at the original time of publishing.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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