Military conglomerate directors running government ports and customs department is ‘not right’ - ex-army official

The President’s Office said it was unaware of the potential conflict of interest, but former military official says the practice is decades old

The Myanma Port Authority building on the corner of Pansodan and Strand roads. (Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now)

Board members of a military conglomerate with sweeping export and import operations have served as top customs and port authority officials for decades, a former company director has told Myanmar Now.

The President’s Office last week said it would investigate the appointment of two directors from Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) to lead the government’s customs department and the Myanma Port Authority.

But the practice, which appears to be a clear conflict of interest, has been going on since the military junta founded MEHL in 1990, retired lieutenant colonel Kyaw Zay Ya told Myanmar Now.

 

 

“The director-general of customs and the managing director of the port authority have always been on MEHL’s board of directors,” said the former director, who ran the conglomerate’s shares department for 10 years.

“But times are different now that this is an elected government … it’s not right,” he added.

A panel of United Nations experts has alleged that the military uses MEHL and other companies to enrich itself without civilian oversight and to fund operations that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Having MEHL board members in charge of customs and the country’s shipping ports allows the conglomerate to operate with less government interference.

“Things go much more smoothly for the company’s import and export businesses,” said Kyaw Zay Ya, who has also served as a regional MP representing the NLD and is now vice chair of the newly formed People’s Pioneer Party.

Attorney General to investigate

The customs department is led by Kyaw Htin, a former brigadier general, while Ni Aung, a former army major, runs the port authority. Both are also on the MEHL board of directors.

In response to a question from Myanmar Now last week, President’s Office spokesperson Zaw Htay said he was unaware of the potential conflict of interest and would ask the attorney general’s office to investigate.

Both Zaw Htay and the attorney general, Htun Htun Oo, are former military officers. It is unclear if either of them hold shares in MEHL or how the investigation will be conducted.

Under the military regime, it was common practice for retiring military officers to take on senior civil service roles, but that was gradually phased out after the transition to civilian rule, with Kyaw Htin and Ni Aung being two notable exceptions.

According to the Myanmar Gazette, former President Thein Sein appointed Brig-Gen Kyaw Htin as customs director general in March 2016, just before the NLD came to power.

The customs department website shows that four of the five director generals prior to Kyaw Htin were former lieutenant-colonels in the army.

The website does not mention that former director general Htun Thein is also a retired officer, but Kyaw Zay Ya said he served in the army and his rank was not lower than colonel.

Htun Thein was fired from the department in 2016 for corruption and replaced by Kyaw Htin.

Win Khant, permanent secretary of the Ministry of Transport and Communications, which oversees the Myanma Port Authority, said that although it was common for officials to also be board members at MEHL, these officials did not attend meetings and weren’t invited.

Asked if he thought there was a conflict of interest, he said: “Legally, this doesn’t infringe on anything. He can take on the job if he’s capable or turn it down. That’s just how it is.”

“A government official is immediately going to be in trouble if they try to bypass the law,” he added.

Ni Aung became the port authority boss in 2017. His predecessor Kyaw Myint was also a retired military officer and an MEHL director.

Protecting corporate interests

MEHL’s website says the main responsibility of the board of directors is to protect the interests of shareholders with strategic decision making.

Kyaw Zay Ya said MEHL’s directors received generous dividends, rather than salaries.

“A director’s dividends aren't small. I’m not going to tell how much exactly but I’ll just say that the amount is very attractive,” he said.

There has been little action to stop MEHL’s directors leading government departments since the Thein Sein-led government took over from the military junta, he added.

Hla Moe, an NLD MP and secretary of the lower house parliamentary rights committee, said the practice should be banned and MEHL’s shareholders should be made public.

“Parliament can file a motion… and legislate if needed,” he said, without elaborating.

Mass privatisation

The former military government established the Union of Myanma Economic Holdings Limited in 1990 to dominate a large swath of Myanmar’s economy.

The company’s exports include jade, rubies and precious metals and its imports include petroleum to supply its Myawaddy petrol stations. Its subsidiaries also have interests in transport, mining, alcohol, cigarettes and more. Shares are held by retired and active military personnel.

In the past, shareholders were divided into two groups. Type A Shares were for the defence ministry and type B for individual military units and organisations run by retired officers and servicemen and active and former military personnel. 

After the NLD came to power in April 2016, UMEHL privatised itself and dropped the “Union” from its name.

Before the change, the type A shares were converted to type B ones, meaning the company’s profits would no longer go into the national budget, except via taxes.

From 2009 to 2012, many state-owned buildings and businesses were privatised. These included the Bo Aung Kyaw port terminal and the Myanma Five Star Line, which was bought by MEHL.

Last week the Ever Flow River Group, a company with ties to MEHL, listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange.

Ever Flow River’s projects include a joint venture with Lann Pyi, an MEHL subsidiary, to build a $43m inland port.

The rights group Justice for Myanmar, said there was a high risk of corruption from the venture and a potential conflict of interest from the two government leaders being board members of MEHL.

 

 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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