Microfinance sector oversupplied and under-regulated, economist says

Hopes that microfinance would lift Myanmar out of poverty also being stymied by sluggish economy and oversupply, says leading economist

Dr Zaw Oo, former Presidential advisor and director of the Centre for Economic and Social Development (Photo: Dr Zaw Oo)

The Thein Sein government expected microfinancing, introduced to the country in 2011, to help reduce poverty in Myanmar. By offering collateral-free, low-interest loans to the poor, these communities would be able to build small businesses and create cottage industries, the thinking went.

Microlenders have since proliferated, but small businesses have not exactly boomed. In the current economic downturn, many borrowers have fallen into deep debt after turning to local, unauthorized lenders, for additional, high-interest loans to pay back their original loans with. A 2018 parliamentary report blamed a poor understanding of credit and finance for leading borrowers into what it called “debt traps.”

More than 3 million people have collectively received about 172 billion kyats in microloans from the 189 registered local and international lenders operating in Myanmar, according to the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

Myanmar Now spoke with economist Dr Zaw Oo, director of the Centre for Economic and Social Development and a former Presidential advisor, about microfinance and the country’s larger economic outlook.

Myanmar Now: Is microfinancing meeting its intended goals in Myanmar right now?

 

 

Dr Zaw Oo: Starting with the philosophy of microfinance – that every person should have reasonable access to low-interest loans – Myanmar’s microlenders have satisfied their main objective of inclusive finance. However, there is one problem: the larger economic picture makes it hard for poor people to invest that money in business growth or vocational training.

Even big enterprises in Myanmar are struggling at the moment, let alone small ones. Big entrepreneurs are waiting to see how things turn out, but for smaller ones, they can’t just sit and wait; they need to continue operating. They may add some capital into investments but mostly their businesses are still in the red and they’re falling further into debt.

 

 

The failure of microfinancing has more to do with the national economy. Myanmar is at the moment losing out on economic opportunities. A farmer might get a loan and invest in increasing production, but when they harvest their crops, the market is poor. Farmers have been hit hardest of all by Myanmar’s economic slowdown.

MN: Many borrowers have been taking out loans from more than one company and, when their businesses are unable to thrive, falling into debt. What is the root cause of this?

ZO: Many people in Myanmar struggle to make ends meet. They need investment money to keep their businesses [such as food shops, street hawking stalls, and farms] running. They do invest loans into their businesses but any profit goes straight to household expenses, so they have to find money elsewhere to pay back the loan. It’s a vicious cycle of debt. In order to break it, the national economy must improve.

We also need a credit bureau-like body to monitor the industry and collect information that can be used to reduce risk and craft better policy. More innovative monitoring techniques are needed. Loan approvals should depend on an individual’s ability to learn about markets and how to run a successful business. A small enterprise selling products online, for example, should be approved for a loan only after a careful check of their business records.

One might argue that not all data at the grassroots level can be collected by such a body, but there are other ways — indirect methods of data collection. That is where the national government can help. But we haven’t seen the government innovating here yet. It has declared a shift to an e-Government system but its not yet a people-centred e-Government system. Meanwhile, people at the grassroots are struggling with credit and debt. It’s not a good situation right now.

MN: Microfinancing was supposed to help alleviate poverty and reduce unauthorized money-lending. Has it done so at all, despite these setbacks?

ZO: The government’s main duty is to grow the economy. When the economy grows, tools like microfinancing can offer an equal opportunity for the poor to also enjoy this growth. This way, the poor won’t be left behind simply because they lack capital. If done right, even the poorest will be able to rise above the poverty level. Instead, economic stagnation is now keeping even the most powerful tycoons stuck, and the poor are the most unfortunate of all.

Economic development is crucial. It is the government’s primary responsibility, across all sectors. Then, the second step is enabling an inclusive microfinance sector to thrive in a growing economy. Without a grander economic strategy, a single tool [microfinance] won’t help to alleviate poverty.

The national economy has been declining for the past three years – a trend in which the poorest suffer the most. I think the government’s most important task is to find a solution that gets us past our economic woes.

MN: Anything else you’d like to add?

ZO: Interest rates have not been lowered [enough], and I think this is a problem. Those with the least money bear this burden most. When a country’s economy isn’t growing, borrowers still have to make payments, even if their revenue is shrinking. The interest rates are still [nearly] as high as ever. The government should consider lowering them again. Of course, they lowered annual interest rates from 30 percent to 28 percent in June 2019, but they’re still higher than they should be. There is also too much competition, with many microlenders vying for clients. More and more lenders have popped up despite a sluggish economy. It’s about time the government intervene and regulate the industry with an eye toward helping relieve debt for impoverished people that never learned about credit and finance. This is not about ‘financial inclusion’ anymore, it’s an issue of ‘overlending’ now.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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