Meiktila voters turn to NLD in hopes of putting painful past behind them

After years of communal tensions, the people of Meiktila are counting on the ruling party to restore peace and stability 

Published on Nov 21, 2020
Over 40 people lost their lives and many more were left homeless in the wake of riots that hit Meiktila in 2013. (Yan Moe Naing/Myanmar Now) 
Over 40 people lost their lives and many more were left homeless in the wake of riots that hit Meiktila in 2013. (Yan Moe Naing/Myanmar Now) 

As one of Myanmar’s most contested constituencies, Meiktila never fails to attract interest at election time. This year, however, it outdid itself: After delivering a landslide win to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in 2015, it did the same this time around for the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Surrounded by military battalions and home to some of Myanmar’s leading nationalist activists, Meiktila was widely regarded as a USDP stronghold until the November 8 election. The fact that it has joined much of the rest of the country in voting NLD can be seen as a victory not only for the ruling party, but also for the people of Meiktila.  

Among those who celebrated the NLD’s win were members of Meiktila’s Muslim community, who hope that it will give them some protection from the sort of communal violence that swept through the township seven years ago. In Meiktila’s predominantly Muslim Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards, the NLD received more than 80 percent of the vote.

“We’re pleading with the government to act so that people don’t have to go through what we did before, regardless of ethnicity or religion. That’s why we voted for the NLD,” Bo Lay, a Muslim resident of Meiktila, told Myanmar Now.

 

 

Bo Lay speaks from painful experience: His son, Bo Bo Latt, went missing during the anti-Muslim riots that gripped Meiktila in March 2013. To this day, he doesn’t know if his son is dead or alive.

“I’ve been like a fool, waiting to hear his voice calling me ‘Dad’ again,” he said, holding up a photo of his son saved on his old phone. “Whenever I miss him, I look at this photo. But his disappearance is still like a dream to me, even now.”

 

 

He said that he had envisioned his son, who had a heart condition, becoming a preacher, because he couldn’t bear to think of him doing any other work. It was while he was on his way to a religious school that the 17-year-old went missing.

Contested results 

The USDP has indicated that it doesn’t plan to give up without a fight. According to a party official, four USDP candidates who lost in Meiktila township intend to contest the election results.

“Mainly, what we’re objecting to is the inaccurate voter lists,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region, adding that a letter of objection would be filed within 45 days.

He noted that the list for Meiktila included 83 individuals under the legal voting age of 18, more than 20,000 who didn’t have a valid national registrations card (NRC), and more than 7,000 with overlapping NRC numbers.

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region 

These inaccuracies were reported to the relevant district and township election sub-commissions, but no effective action was taken, said Aung Kyaw Moe, who ran for a seat in the regional parliament representing Meiktila township’s constituency (1).

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” he said.

In addition to Aung Kyaw Moe, the other USDP candidates who contested in the Meiktila township constituencies are Dr Maung Thin, Ye Tun Naing and Soe Than.

Between election day and November 17, three reports were submitted to the Meiktila district election sub-commission, its assistant manager, Myo Min Htike, told Myanmar Now. 

The reports detail cases of voters voting twice, poll station officers handing out incorrect ballots, and the addition of about 200 voters to the voters list without permission, he said.

According to Myanmar’s election laws, objections must be filed, along with a suitable reason, to the Union Election Commission (UEC) within 45 days of the election results being announced.

The UEC has announced that all four parliamentary seats in Meiktila were won by NLD candidates. The successful candidates were Amyotha Hluttaw representative Bhone Kyaw; Dr Sint Soe, who was elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw; and Lwin Maung Maung and Maung Maung Gyi, who won Meiktila’s two seats in the Mandalay region parliament.  

At a press conference held at the party’s Mandalay headquarters on November 17, USDP officials called the election results “improbable” and attributed them to a number of factors: unfairness in the forming of election sub-commissions, inaccuracies in voters lists, problems stemming from the long period of advance voting due to the Covid-19 pandemic, and errors on the day of the election.

Hope and fear

While the USDP proceeds with its efforts to overturn the election results, Meiktila’s citizens are looking to the future and hoping to avoid a return to the past. 

Most Muslims in Meiktila are reluctant to talk about what happened in 2013, when many saw loved ones killed and their homes destroyed by fire. Speaking about these events awakens too many painful memories, they say.

“What happened in 2013 still haunts us to this day,” said San Win Shein, a Meiktila native who witnessed the wave of violence that started with an incident in a gold shop and later spread to other towns and cities around the country. 

According to official reports, more than 40 people lost their lives in Meiktila alone. Many Muslim families in Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards were left homeless after their homes were set on fire. Those who could prove they owned the houses they lived in before the riots were given temporary housing, but others had to rent at their own expense.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“We saw people get killed right in front of us,” said Khin San Myint Yi, a 50-year-old resident of Meiktila whose house was burned to the ground by rampaging rioters. 

Like others who spoke to Myanmar Now after the election, she said she voted for the NLD because she believed the party wouldn’t allow a repeat of the horrific events of the past.

“We voted for the NLD because we believe this government won’t let this happen again and will look after the people. We have done our part for our mother. She just has to recognize us now,” she said, referring to NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

For the NLD, part of the solution to the problem lies in recognizing that it isn’t confined to any one community. 

“At first, some people turned a blind eye because they thought this problem only affected people of different religious beliefs. But when the effects started to hit them, they realized that it’s not good for anyone,” said NLD candidate Bhone Kyaw, who won a seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw.

But it is clearly Meiktila’s Muslims who are under the greatest pressure. They say that they are still targeted by people who want to provoke unrest as a means of furthering their political goals. One way to make them feel unwelcome is blaring Buddhist chants from loudspeakers in predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods. Other methods are less subtle.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“During this period, we’re caught in the crosshairs. A guy from our ward went out wearing an NLD shirt to celebrate its victory and he came back without the shirt because some people picked a fight with him on the way,” said Haji Min Soe, a resident of Chan Aye Tharyar ward.

“We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013,” said Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila

But Muslims are not alone in wanting to see an end to destructive divisions. Ven U Vishuddha, the abbot of Meiktila’s Yadanar Oo monastery, said it was important for both sides to build trust in order to restore relations between Buddhist and Muslims to their former harmony.

“There was no segregation before and even monks like me went to the homes of Muslim families for alms. But the town has had a bad name ever since it became associated with nationalism and religious intolerance,” said the monk, whose monastery took in locals, including Muslims, displaced by the riots.

NLD candidate Dr Sint Soe, who is set to represent Meiktila in the Pyithu Hluttaw after winning in this year’s election, said that it was important to foster values common to both communities.

“Everyone has the same core goal. We all have to understand that and move towards a peaceful path paved with good behaviour. And education plays an important part in that,” he said.

Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila, put it even more simply: “We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013.”

Phyo is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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