Meiktila voters turn to NLD in hopes of putting painful past behind them

After years of communal tensions, the people of Meiktila are counting on the ruling party to restore peace and stability 

Over 40 people lost their lives and many more were left homeless in the wake of riots that hit Meiktila in 2013. (Yan Moe Naing/Myanmar Now) 

As one of Myanmar’s most contested constituencies, Meiktila never fails to attract interest at election time. This year, however, it outdid itself: After delivering a landslide win to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in 2015, it did the same this time around for the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Surrounded by military battalions and home to some of Myanmar’s leading nationalist activists, Meiktila was widely regarded as a USDP stronghold until the November 8 election. The fact that it has joined much of the rest of the country in voting NLD can be seen as a victory not only for the ruling party, but also for the people of Meiktila.  

Among those who celebrated the NLD’s win were members of Meiktila’s Muslim community, who hope that it will give them some protection from the sort of communal violence that swept through the township seven years ago. In Meiktila’s predominantly Muslim Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards, the NLD received more than 80 percent of the vote.

“We’re pleading with the government to act so that people don’t have to go through what we did before, regardless of ethnicity or religion. That’s why we voted for the NLD,” Bo Lay, a Muslim resident of Meiktila, told Myanmar Now.

 

 

Bo Lay speaks from painful experience: His son, Bo Bo Latt, went missing during the anti-Muslim riots that gripped Meiktila in March 2013. To this day, he doesn’t know if his son is dead or alive.

“I’ve been like a fool, waiting to hear his voice calling me ‘Dad’ again,” he said, holding up a photo of his son saved on his old phone. “Whenever I miss him, I look at this photo. But his disappearance is still like a dream to me, even now.”

 

 

He said that he had envisioned his son, who had a heart condition, becoming a preacher, because he couldn’t bear to think of him doing any other work. It was while he was on his way to a religious school that the 17-year-old went missing.

Contested results 

The USDP has indicated that it doesn’t plan to give up without a fight. According to a party official, four USDP candidates who lost in Meiktila township intend to contest the election results.

“Mainly, what we’re objecting to is the inaccurate voter lists,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region, adding that a letter of objection would be filed within 45 days.

He noted that the list for Meiktila included 83 individuals under the legal voting age of 18, more than 20,000 who didn’t have a valid national registrations card (NRC), and more than 7,000 with overlapping NRC numbers.

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region 

These inaccuracies were reported to the relevant district and township election sub-commissions, but no effective action was taken, said Aung Kyaw Moe, who ran for a seat in the regional parliament representing Meiktila township’s constituency (1).

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” he said.

In addition to Aung Kyaw Moe, the other USDP candidates who contested in the Meiktila township constituencies are Dr Maung Thin, Ye Tun Naing and Soe Than.

Between election day and November 17, three reports were submitted to the Meiktila district election sub-commission, its assistant manager, Myo Min Htike, told Myanmar Now. 

The reports detail cases of voters voting twice, poll station officers handing out incorrect ballots, and the addition of about 200 voters to the voters list without permission, he said.

According to Myanmar’s election laws, objections must be filed, along with a suitable reason, to the Union Election Commission (UEC) within 45 days of the election results being announced.

The UEC has announced that all four parliamentary seats in Meiktila were won by NLD candidates. The successful candidates were Amyotha Hluttaw representative Bhone Kyaw; Dr Sint Soe, who was elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw; and Lwin Maung Maung and Maung Maung Gyi, who won Meiktila’s two seats in the Mandalay region parliament.  

At a press conference held at the party’s Mandalay headquarters on November 17, USDP officials called the election results “improbable” and attributed them to a number of factors: unfairness in the forming of election sub-commissions, inaccuracies in voters lists, problems stemming from the long period of advance voting due to the Covid-19 pandemic, and errors on the day of the election.

Hope and fear

While the USDP proceeds with its efforts to overturn the election results, Meiktila’s citizens are looking to the future and hoping to avoid a return to the past. 

Most Muslims in Meiktila are reluctant to talk about what happened in 2013, when many saw loved ones killed and their homes destroyed by fire. Speaking about these events awakens too many painful memories, they say.

“What happened in 2013 still haunts us to this day,” said San Win Shein, a Meiktila native who witnessed the wave of violence that started with an incident in a gold shop and later spread to other towns and cities around the country. 

According to official reports, more than 40 people lost their lives in Meiktila alone. Many Muslim families in Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards were left homeless after their homes were set on fire. Those who could prove they owned the houses they lived in before the riots were given temporary housing, but others had to rent at their own expense.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“We saw people get killed right in front of us,” said Khin San Myint Yi, a 50-year-old resident of Meiktila whose house was burned to the ground by rampaging rioters. 

Like others who spoke to Myanmar Now after the election, she said she voted for the NLD because she believed the party wouldn’t allow a repeat of the horrific events of the past.

“We voted for the NLD because we believe this government won’t let this happen again and will look after the people. We have done our part for our mother. She just has to recognize us now,” she said, referring to NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

For the NLD, part of the solution to the problem lies in recognizing that it isn’t confined to any one community. 

“At first, some people turned a blind eye because they thought this problem only affected people of different religious beliefs. But when the effects started to hit them, they realized that it’s not good for anyone,” said NLD candidate Bhone Kyaw, who won a seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw.

But it is clearly Meiktila’s Muslims who are under the greatest pressure. They say that they are still targeted by people who want to provoke unrest as a means of furthering their political goals. One way to make them feel unwelcome is blaring Buddhist chants from loudspeakers in predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods. Other methods are less subtle.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“During this period, we’re caught in the crosshairs. A guy from our ward went out wearing an NLD shirt to celebrate its victory and he came back without the shirt because some people picked a fight with him on the way,” said Haji Min Soe, a resident of Chan Aye Tharyar ward.

“We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013,” said Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila

But Muslims are not alone in wanting to see an end to destructive divisions. Ven U Vishuddha, the abbot of Meiktila’s Yadanar Oo monastery, said it was important for both sides to build trust in order to restore relations between Buddhist and Muslims to their former harmony.

“There was no segregation before and even monks like me went to the homes of Muslim families for alms. But the town has had a bad name ever since it became associated with nationalism and religious intolerance,” said the monk, whose monastery took in locals, including Muslims, displaced by the riots.

NLD candidate Dr Sint Soe, who is set to represent Meiktila in the Pyithu Hluttaw after winning in this year’s election, said that it was important to foster values common to both communities.

“Everyone has the same core goal. We all have to understand that and move towards a peaceful path paved with good behaviour. And education plays an important part in that,” he said.

Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila, put it even more simply: “We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013.”

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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