Meiktila voters turn to NLD in hopes of putting painful past behind them

After years of communal tensions, the people of Meiktila are counting on the ruling party to restore peace and stability 

Over 40 people lost their lives and many more were left homeless in the wake of riots that hit Meiktila in 2013. (Yan Moe Naing/Myanmar Now) 

As one of Myanmar’s most contested constituencies, Meiktila never fails to attract interest at election time. This year, however, it outdid itself: After delivering a landslide win to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in 2015, it did the same this time around for the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Surrounded by military battalions and home to some of Myanmar’s leading nationalist activists, Meiktila was widely regarded as a USDP stronghold until the November 8 election. The fact that it has joined much of the rest of the country in voting NLD can be seen as a victory not only for the ruling party, but also for the people of Meiktila.  

Among those who celebrated the NLD’s win were members of Meiktila’s Muslim community, who hope that it will give them some protection from the sort of communal violence that swept through the township seven years ago. In Meiktila’s predominantly Muslim Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards, the NLD received more than 80 percent of the vote.

“We’re pleading with the government to act so that people don’t have to go through what we did before, regardless of ethnicity or religion. That’s why we voted for the NLD,” Bo Lay, a Muslim resident of Meiktila, told Myanmar Now.

 

 

Bo Lay speaks from painful experience: His son, Bo Bo Latt, went missing during the anti-Muslim riots that gripped Meiktila in March 2013. To this day, he doesn’t know if his son is dead or alive.

“I’ve been like a fool, waiting to hear his voice calling me ‘Dad’ again,” he said, holding up a photo of his son saved on his old phone. “Whenever I miss him, I look at this photo. But his disappearance is still like a dream to me, even now.”

 

 

He said that he had envisioned his son, who had a heart condition, becoming a preacher, because he couldn’t bear to think of him doing any other work. It was while he was on his way to a religious school that the 17-year-old went missing.

Contested results 

The USDP has indicated that it doesn’t plan to give up without a fight. According to a party official, four USDP candidates who lost in Meiktila township intend to contest the election results.

“Mainly, what we’re objecting to is the inaccurate voter lists,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region, adding that a letter of objection would be filed within 45 days.

He noted that the list for Meiktila included 83 individuals under the legal voting age of 18, more than 20,000 who didn’t have a valid national registrations card (NRC), and more than 7,000 with overlapping NRC numbers.

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” said Aung Kyaw Moe, the USDP secretary for Mandalay region 

These inaccuracies were reported to the relevant district and township election sub-commissions, but no effective action was taken, said Aung Kyaw Moe, who ran for a seat in the regional parliament representing Meiktila township’s constituency (1).

“If we lost fair and square, we’ll accept the results. But these errors, are they deliberate? Are they accidental? Or are they a result of incompetence? Only the culprits will know,” he said.

In addition to Aung Kyaw Moe, the other USDP candidates who contested in the Meiktila township constituencies are Dr Maung Thin, Ye Tun Naing and Soe Than.

Between election day and November 17, three reports were submitted to the Meiktila district election sub-commission, its assistant manager, Myo Min Htike, told Myanmar Now. 

The reports detail cases of voters voting twice, poll station officers handing out incorrect ballots, and the addition of about 200 voters to the voters list without permission, he said.

According to Myanmar’s election laws, objections must be filed, along with a suitable reason, to the Union Election Commission (UEC) within 45 days of the election results being announced.

The UEC has announced that all four parliamentary seats in Meiktila were won by NLD candidates. The successful candidates were Amyotha Hluttaw representative Bhone Kyaw; Dr Sint Soe, who was elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw; and Lwin Maung Maung and Maung Maung Gyi, who won Meiktila’s two seats in the Mandalay region parliament.  

At a press conference held at the party’s Mandalay headquarters on November 17, USDP officials called the election results “improbable” and attributed them to a number of factors: unfairness in the forming of election sub-commissions, inaccuracies in voters lists, problems stemming from the long period of advance voting due to the Covid-19 pandemic, and errors on the day of the election.

Hope and fear

While the USDP proceeds with its efforts to overturn the election results, Meiktila’s citizens are looking to the future and hoping to avoid a return to the past. 

Most Muslims in Meiktila are reluctant to talk about what happened in 2013, when many saw loved ones killed and their homes destroyed by fire. Speaking about these events awakens too many painful memories, they say.

“What happened in 2013 still haunts us to this day,” said San Win Shein, a Meiktila native who witnessed the wave of violence that started with an incident in a gold shop and later spread to other towns and cities around the country. 

According to official reports, more than 40 people lost their lives in Meiktila alone. Many Muslim families in Thiri Mingalar and Chan Aye Tharyar wards were left homeless after their homes were set on fire. Those who could prove they owned the houses they lived in before the riots were given temporary housing, but others had to rent at their own expense.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“We saw people get killed right in front of us,” said Khin San Myint Yi, a 50-year-old resident of Meiktila whose house was burned to the ground by rampaging rioters. 

Like others who spoke to Myanmar Now after the election, she said she voted for the NLD because she believed the party wouldn’t allow a repeat of the horrific events of the past.

“We voted for the NLD because we believe this government won’t let this happen again and will look after the people. We have done our part for our mother. She just has to recognize us now,” she said, referring to NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

For the NLD, part of the solution to the problem lies in recognizing that it isn’t confined to any one community. 

“At first, some people turned a blind eye because they thought this problem only affected people of different religious beliefs. But when the effects started to hit them, they realized that it’s not good for anyone,” said NLD candidate Bhone Kyaw, who won a seat in the Amyotha Hluttaw.

But it is clearly Meiktila’s Muslims who are under the greatest pressure. They say that they are still targeted by people who want to provoke unrest as a means of furthering their political goals. One way to make them feel unwelcome is blaring Buddhist chants from loudspeakers in predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods. Other methods are less subtle.

“They shout ‘Leave our town, Muslims,’ at us. We tell our children to just tolerate it and say nothing,” said one Muslim resident of Thiri Mingalar ward.

“During this period, we’re caught in the crosshairs. A guy from our ward went out wearing an NLD shirt to celebrate its victory and he came back without the shirt because some people picked a fight with him on the way,” said Haji Min Soe, a resident of Chan Aye Tharyar ward.

“We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013,” said Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila

But Muslims are not alone in wanting to see an end to destructive divisions. Ven U Vishuddha, the abbot of Meiktila’s Yadanar Oo monastery, said it was important for both sides to build trust in order to restore relations between Buddhist and Muslims to their former harmony.

“There was no segregation before and even monks like me went to the homes of Muslim families for alms. But the town has had a bad name ever since it became associated with nationalism and religious intolerance,” said the monk, whose monastery took in locals, including Muslims, displaced by the riots.

NLD candidate Dr Sint Soe, who is set to represent Meiktila in the Pyithu Hluttaw after winning in this year’s election, said that it was important to foster values common to both communities.

“Everyone has the same core goal. We all have to understand that and move towards a peaceful path paved with good behaviour. And education plays an important part in that,” he said.

Arkar Thein, a Muslim religious leader in Meiktila, put it even more simply: “We only wish that everyone could co-exist and see each other as humans. We would like to live the way we did before 2013.”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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