Mawchi miners are living—and dying—by the gun

‘Gun disease,’ a condition afflicting miners who use air guns to extract tin and tungsten, is killing hundreds in Kayah state    

A gun-driller holds an air gun near the entrance to a pit. (Photo: Kay Zun Nwe / Myanmar Now)

The sound of a machine piercing the bedrock buzzes inside a deep, dark hole. Barely visible in the dim light, two young men covered in dust are hard at work.

They are using a high-powered air gun to get at the precious tin and tungsten inside the hole. Their masks are caked with dust.

The technique they are using is called “gun-drilling” by the local people who do it for a living. It’s a lucrative job that employs hundreds of people in the area. But it is also notorious for the toll it takes on miners’ lungs.

They are among the thousands who work the Mawchi mines in Kayah state’s Hpa Saung township. 

 

 

Most in this once famous mining area, which has been producing for more than a century, spend their days shovelling loosened ore into carts and pushing it out into the open air. 

But it is the gun-drillers who do the dirtiest and most dangerous work. They stay inside the pits, inhaling dust for hours at a time. After a few years on the job, it begins to penetrate their lungs the way their tools break through the rock face. 

 

 

Black lungs

The condition is called pneumoconiosis, or more colloquially, “black lung disease.” But locally, it is known as “gun disease,” and it is a killer. Most of its victims are young men, like Ba Ye, the husband of 30-year-old Aye Sandar Tun, who lives at the mine site in Mawchi’s Kyauk Kyar ward. He died six months ago.

Aye Sandar Tun first came to Kayah state as a migrant worker from Pyinmana in central Myanmar. She met and fell in love with Ba Ye, who was ethnic Kayah, in Loikaw. They then moved to Mawchi, where Ba Ye had been working since 2009. She worked as a cook for 150,000 kyat ($112) a month at the Mawchi No. 2 pit in Kyauk Kyar and he became the pit foreman. Then, in 2016, he decided he wanted to make more money.

“He said he would start gun-drilling because it was much better paying. I agreed with his decision because I didn’t know any better,” she said.

After about three years, he started to have health problems. Medication relieved the symptoms for a while, but as his immune system weakened, the persistent coughing and fever returned and got steadily worse.

Aye Sandar Tun said she believed her husband’s condition was so bad because he didn’t wear a mask when he worked, and because the vibrating gun that he used to do his job pressed against his chest while he was drilling. 

She said she wanted other miners to know about the danger of working this way, and warned them not to destroy their health for money.

Mining for the military

With a population of around 30,000, Mawchi is believed to have lost hundreds of its inhabitants to “gun disease,” a condition for which there is no cure. 

Margaret Sein, a former health officer in Yukorkho, a village in the Mawchi area, told Myanmar Now that no one knows exactly how many have died from lung disease as a result of gun-drilling. However, she said that over the past six years, she has seen hundreds of miners with severe lung damage. 

Mawchi has been an important source of tin and tungsten since the colonial era. These widely used metals can be found in many manufactured products, from cans to military materiel such guns, shells and missiles.

The Mawchi mines are currently operated by the Kayah State Mineral Production Company (KMPC), which has been run by the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) since 2002. Last year, the company renewed its license to mine in the area for a further five years.

In August of last year, the deputy minister for natural resources and environmental conservation, Dr. Ye Myint Swe, informed the Pyithu Hluttaw that the Mawchi mines had produced 8,410 metric tons of ore, including 2,559 metric tons obtained by the state, since 2002.

In practice, most operations have been controlled by the Ye Htut Kyaw Company, through a joint venture with the military, since 2009. Ye Htut Kyaw, the owner of the company, is a former military official who became the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Hpa Saung township after running as a Union Solidarity and Development Party candidate in the 2010 election.  

The Ye Htut Kyaw Company is licensed to mine an area of about 7,000 acres, which includes more than 200 sub-sites allocated to local people. The company purchases a specified amount of ore from these sites at a fixed price, and then sells much of it to China. Most miners are day labourers who work without a contract with the company. 

“I heard about the effects of gun-drilling before I started doing it. But we come here to make money. Right now, I’m financially okay. But it means that we risk our lives for money,” said Thu Thu Aung, a 23-year-old gun-driller

The pit foreman is responsible for ensuring the safety and security of each mine site. The foreman, who is also called a frontline master, usually has five to 10 men working under him, and will earn up to 30,000 kyat ($22) a day, depending on his experience. Regular workers earn 8,000 kyat ($6) a day.

This contrasts with the 40-100,000 kyat a day that even an inexperienced gun-driller can earn. They are paid 2,500 kyat for each 2.5-foot-deep hole they drill, and in pairs, they can make 30 to 50 holes a day.

The Ye Htut Kyaw Company buys the ore for between 5,000 and 16,000 kyat per pound, depending on the quality. However, according to a local pit owner, the same amount of ore fetches as much as 22,000 kyat on the black market, where it can also be sold without testing. 

This is an attractive option, one pit foreman explained, because samples that would once have easily have passed testing are increasingly—and suspiciously—rejected by the company these days.

Waiting for the day of death

Gun-drilling appeals mostly to young people looking to make more money than they could any other way. Thu Thu Aung, a 23-year-old labourer, has been doing it since he arrived in Mawchi two months ago. He said he makes enough to send 400,000 kyat a week to his home in Mandalay region’s Sint Kue township.

Thu Thu Aung spoke to Myanmar Now at Margaret Sein’s clinic, which he has visited three times already, complaining of fatigue and dizziness. He said he was aware of the risks of his job. 

“I heard about the effects of gun-drilling before I started doing it. But we come here to make money. Right now, I’m financially okay. But it means that we risk our lives for money,” he said.

Margaret Sein explained that many gun-drillers start to develop symptoms after about two months on the job. She said it usually starts with a cough, then night fevers, and then weight loss. After a while, they begin to look like tuberculosis patients.

Many, in fact, do develop TB, she said. After they come to her, they are referred to the relevant health department, where they may be put on medication to treat TB. But in their weakened condition, she said, many suffer severe side effects.

“I don’t think I will ever recover from this illness. It seems as if it will just keep getting gradually worse,” said 59-year-old former gun-driller Saw Khu Htoo

“Every time they are diagnosed with TB and given treatment, our patients have to pay a great price with their lives,” she said.

Ba Ye, Aye Sandar Tun's husband, was initially diagnosed with pertussis, or whooping cough. At first he was given medication, but when that no longer worked, he was sent to Loikaw hospital, where he underwent surgery. But his condition continued to worsen, to the point where he couldn’t breathe without the help of an oxygen tank. Finally, two months after testing positive for tuberculosis in March of this year, he died.

“He didn’t want to take the TB medicine, so we told him it would get rid of the disease,” Aye Sandar Tun recalled with tears in her eyes.

Intervention: the best medicine?

Inside a small hut with bamboo walls behind the high school in Lokhalo, a village in Hpa Saung township, Saw Khu Htoo is preparing a meal with slow and heavy motions.

Saw Khu Htoo is 59 but looks more like a man well into his seventies. He has worked as a gun-driller for more than 20 years and now suffers from chronic lung disease.

“When I walk, I feel very tired. I have a bad cough, and sometimes I spit up blood,” he said.

He said he started developing whooping cough about three years into the job. Treatment helped and allowed him to continue working, but eventually he decided it was time to quit. By then, however, it was too late.

He has lasted a lot longer than many of his fellow gun-drillers. He reckons that around 70 of his former co-workers and acquaintances have died during his years in the mines. While he has been luckier than most, however, he knows that his own drawn-out decline will never be reversed.  

“I don’t think I will ever recover from this illness. It seems as if it will just keep getting gradually worse,” he said in a slow, tired-sounding voice as he cooked.

According to Margaret Sein, a lot more could be done to prevent gun drillers ending up like Saw Khu Htoo or others who have been even more unfortunate. To begin, she said, supervisors should receive more training about the dangers of the job, and workers should be given health insurance. 

“The owners are the only ones who are getting rich in Mawchi. They have money coming in from all sides. The young people who come here from far away are the real victims,” said Margaret Sein, who runs a clinic for miners.    

She added that new workers should be provided with protective equipment and also be taught how to use it properly before they enter the workplace. This was, she insisted, the responsibility of the licensed mining companies.

But the single most important thing that could be done, she said, would be to institute regular check-ups. Workers should be thoroughly examined every six months to ensure that any signs of incipient lung disease are detected early.

Not everyone is in favour of intervening on behalf of the gun-drillers, however. 

Yan Naing Swe, a member of the state parliament representing Hpa Saung Township, said that actually, mining companies don’t recommend using air guns. This was, he said, a choice made by foremen, who don’t follow official health guidelines because of their own greed.  

He added that it wasn’t the government’s place to direct and supervise the pit foremen. At best, it could teach workers to use protective equipment, he said. 

He also said he saw no need for an outright ban on gun-drilling, without which mining would be too costly for the mine owners.

But Margaret Sein dismissed any suggestion that profitability was more important than safety. This emphasis on the bottom line comes at too great a cost to miners, she said. 

“The owners are the only ones who are getting rich in Mawchi. They have money coming in from all sides. The young people who come here from far away are the real victims,” she said.    

Applying the law

Companies that receive mining licenses from the government should be held responsible for what happens to miners who work in their designated areas, said Win Myo Thu, an environmentalist familiar with the situation in Mawchi.

This is, in fact, the law, he said, pointing to the Occupational Safety and Health Law passed by the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw last year. Under this law, companies are required to draw up plans to protect both part-time and full-time employees. 

This means that the Ye Htut Kyaw Company and its joint-venture partner, the MEHL, should share the cost of implementing safety measures for gun-drillers and other workers at the Mawchi mines with pit operators, he said.

So far, however, none of the parties involved have shown any interest in meeting their legal obligations to their workers. 

Aye Sandar Tun said she called the pit owner three times for help when her husband was hospitalized in Loikaw, but never received any assistance. The big bosses, she said, seem to take the attitude that their only responsibility to their workers is to pay them for their labour. They are not under any contract with the miners.

A widow at 29, Aye Sandar Tun must now raise her three-year-old son on her own. Her greatest hope is to save enough money to buy a small piece of land in Loikaw and start a farm. 

To others thinking about coming to Mawchi to make money, all she had to say was that it wasn’t worth risking life and limb for the sake of people who don’t care if they live or die.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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