Mawchi miners are living—and dying—by the gun

‘Gun disease,’ a condition afflicting miners who use air guns to extract tin and tungsten, is killing hundreds in Kayah state    

A gun-driller holds an air gun near the entrance to a pit. (Photo: Kay Zun Nwe / Myanmar Now)

The sound of a machine piercing the bedrock buzzes inside a deep, dark hole. Barely visible in the dim light, two young men covered in dust are hard at work.

They are using a high-powered air gun to get at the precious tin and tungsten inside the hole. Their masks are caked with dust.

The technique they are using is called “gun-drilling” by the local people who do it for a living. It’s a lucrative job that employs hundreds of people in the area. But it is also notorious for the toll it takes on miners’ lungs.

They are among the thousands who work the Mawchi mines in Kayah state’s Hpa Saung township. 

 

 

Most in this once famous mining area, which has been producing for more than a century, spend their days shovelling loosened ore into carts and pushing it out into the open air. 

But it is the gun-drillers who do the dirtiest and most dangerous work. They stay inside the pits, inhaling dust for hours at a time. After a few years on the job, it begins to penetrate their lungs the way their tools break through the rock face. 

 

 

Black lungs

The condition is called pneumoconiosis, or more colloquially, “black lung disease.” But locally, it is known as “gun disease,” and it is a killer. Most of its victims are young men, like Ba Ye, the husband of 30-year-old Aye Sandar Tun, who lives at the mine site in Mawchi’s Kyauk Kyar ward. He died six months ago.

Aye Sandar Tun first came to Kayah state as a migrant worker from Pyinmana in central Myanmar. She met and fell in love with Ba Ye, who was ethnic Kayah, in Loikaw. They then moved to Mawchi, where Ba Ye had been working since 2009. She worked as a cook for 150,000 kyat ($112) a month at the Mawchi No. 2 pit in Kyauk Kyar and he became the pit foreman. Then, in 2016, he decided he wanted to make more money.

“He said he would start gun-drilling because it was much better paying. I agreed with his decision because I didn’t know any better,” she said.

After about three years, he started to have health problems. Medication relieved the symptoms for a while, but as his immune system weakened, the persistent coughing and fever returned and got steadily worse.

Aye Sandar Tun said she believed her husband’s condition was so bad because he didn’t wear a mask when he worked, and because the vibrating gun that he used to do his job pressed against his chest while he was drilling. 

She said she wanted other miners to know about the danger of working this way, and warned them not to destroy their health for money.

Mining for the military

With a population of around 30,000, Mawchi is believed to have lost hundreds of its inhabitants to “gun disease,” a condition for which there is no cure. 

Margaret Sein, a former health officer in Yukorkho, a village in the Mawchi area, told Myanmar Now that no one knows exactly how many have died from lung disease as a result of gun-drilling. However, she said that over the past six years, she has seen hundreds of miners with severe lung damage. 

Mawchi has been an important source of tin and tungsten since the colonial era. These widely used metals can be found in many manufactured products, from cans to military materiel such guns, shells and missiles.

The Mawchi mines are currently operated by the Kayah State Mineral Production Company (KMPC), which has been run by the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) since 2002. Last year, the company renewed its license to mine in the area for a further five years.

In August of last year, the deputy minister for natural resources and environmental conservation, Dr. Ye Myint Swe, informed the Pyithu Hluttaw that the Mawchi mines had produced 8,410 metric tons of ore, including 2,559 metric tons obtained by the state, since 2002.

In practice, most operations have been controlled by the Ye Htut Kyaw Company, through a joint venture with the military, since 2009. Ye Htut Kyaw, the owner of the company, is a former military official who became the Pyithu Hluttaw MP for Hpa Saung township after running as a Union Solidarity and Development Party candidate in the 2010 election.  

The Ye Htut Kyaw Company is licensed to mine an area of about 7,000 acres, which includes more than 200 sub-sites allocated to local people. The company purchases a specified amount of ore from these sites at a fixed price, and then sells much of it to China. Most miners are day labourers who work without a contract with the company. 

“I heard about the effects of gun-drilling before I started doing it. But we come here to make money. Right now, I’m financially okay. But it means that we risk our lives for money,” said Thu Thu Aung, a 23-year-old gun-driller

The pit foreman is responsible for ensuring the safety and security of each mine site. The foreman, who is also called a frontline master, usually has five to 10 men working under him, and will earn up to 30,000 kyat ($22) a day, depending on his experience. Regular workers earn 8,000 kyat ($6) a day.

This contrasts with the 40-100,000 kyat a day that even an inexperienced gun-driller can earn. They are paid 2,500 kyat for each 2.5-foot-deep hole they drill, and in pairs, they can make 30 to 50 holes a day.

The Ye Htut Kyaw Company buys the ore for between 5,000 and 16,000 kyat per pound, depending on the quality. However, according to a local pit owner, the same amount of ore fetches as much as 22,000 kyat on the black market, where it can also be sold without testing. 

This is an attractive option, one pit foreman explained, because samples that would once have easily have passed testing are increasingly—and suspiciously—rejected by the company these days.

Waiting for the day of death

Gun-drilling appeals mostly to young people looking to make more money than they could any other way. Thu Thu Aung, a 23-year-old labourer, has been doing it since he arrived in Mawchi two months ago. He said he makes enough to send 400,000 kyat a week to his home in Mandalay region’s Sint Kue township.

Thu Thu Aung spoke to Myanmar Now at Margaret Sein’s clinic, which he has visited three times already, complaining of fatigue and dizziness. He said he was aware of the risks of his job. 

“I heard about the effects of gun-drilling before I started doing it. But we come here to make money. Right now, I’m financially okay. But it means that we risk our lives for money,” he said.

Margaret Sein explained that many gun-drillers start to develop symptoms after about two months on the job. She said it usually starts with a cough, then night fevers, and then weight loss. After a while, they begin to look like tuberculosis patients.

Many, in fact, do develop TB, she said. After they come to her, they are referred to the relevant health department, where they may be put on medication to treat TB. But in their weakened condition, she said, many suffer severe side effects.

“I don’t think I will ever recover from this illness. It seems as if it will just keep getting gradually worse,” said 59-year-old former gun-driller Saw Khu Htoo

“Every time they are diagnosed with TB and given treatment, our patients have to pay a great price with their lives,” she said.

Ba Ye, Aye Sandar Tun's husband, was initially diagnosed with pertussis, or whooping cough. At first he was given medication, but when that no longer worked, he was sent to Loikaw hospital, where he underwent surgery. But his condition continued to worsen, to the point where he couldn’t breathe without the help of an oxygen tank. Finally, two months after testing positive for tuberculosis in March of this year, he died.

“He didn’t want to take the TB medicine, so we told him it would get rid of the disease,” Aye Sandar Tun recalled with tears in her eyes.

Intervention: the best medicine?

Inside a small hut with bamboo walls behind the high school in Lokhalo, a village in Hpa Saung township, Saw Khu Htoo is preparing a meal with slow and heavy motions.

Saw Khu Htoo is 59 but looks more like a man well into his seventies. He has worked as a gun-driller for more than 20 years and now suffers from chronic lung disease.

“When I walk, I feel very tired. I have a bad cough, and sometimes I spit up blood,” he said.

He said he started developing whooping cough about three years into the job. Treatment helped and allowed him to continue working, but eventually he decided it was time to quit. By then, however, it was too late.

He has lasted a lot longer than many of his fellow gun-drillers. He reckons that around 70 of his former co-workers and acquaintances have died during his years in the mines. While he has been luckier than most, however, he knows that his own drawn-out decline will never be reversed.  

“I don’t think I will ever recover from this illness. It seems as if it will just keep getting gradually worse,” he said in a slow, tired-sounding voice as he cooked.

According to Margaret Sein, a lot more could be done to prevent gun drillers ending up like Saw Khu Htoo or others who have been even more unfortunate. To begin, she said, supervisors should receive more training about the dangers of the job, and workers should be given health insurance. 

“The owners are the only ones who are getting rich in Mawchi. They have money coming in from all sides. The young people who come here from far away are the real victims,” said Margaret Sein, who runs a clinic for miners.    

She added that new workers should be provided with protective equipment and also be taught how to use it properly before they enter the workplace. This was, she insisted, the responsibility of the licensed mining companies.

But the single most important thing that could be done, she said, would be to institute regular check-ups. Workers should be thoroughly examined every six months to ensure that any signs of incipient lung disease are detected early.

Not everyone is in favour of intervening on behalf of the gun-drillers, however. 

Yan Naing Swe, a member of the state parliament representing Hpa Saung Township, said that actually, mining companies don’t recommend using air guns. This was, he said, a choice made by foremen, who don’t follow official health guidelines because of their own greed.  

He added that it wasn’t the government’s place to direct and supervise the pit foremen. At best, it could teach workers to use protective equipment, he said. 

He also said he saw no need for an outright ban on gun-drilling, without which mining would be too costly for the mine owners.

But Margaret Sein dismissed any suggestion that profitability was more important than safety. This emphasis on the bottom line comes at too great a cost to miners, she said. 

“The owners are the only ones who are getting rich in Mawchi. They have money coming in from all sides. The young people who come here from far away are the real victims,” she said.    

Applying the law

Companies that receive mining licenses from the government should be held responsible for what happens to miners who work in their designated areas, said Win Myo Thu, an environmentalist familiar with the situation in Mawchi.

This is, in fact, the law, he said, pointing to the Occupational Safety and Health Law passed by the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw last year. Under this law, companies are required to draw up plans to protect both part-time and full-time employees. 

This means that the Ye Htut Kyaw Company and its joint-venture partner, the MEHL, should share the cost of implementing safety measures for gun-drillers and other workers at the Mawchi mines with pit operators, he said.

So far, however, none of the parties involved have shown any interest in meeting their legal obligations to their workers. 

Aye Sandar Tun said she called the pit owner three times for help when her husband was hospitalized in Loikaw, but never received any assistance. The big bosses, she said, seem to take the attitude that their only responsibility to their workers is to pay them for their labour. They are not under any contract with the miners.

A widow at 29, Aye Sandar Tun must now raise her three-year-old son on her own. Her greatest hope is to save enough money to buy a small piece of land in Loikaw and start a farm. 

To others thinking about coming to Mawchi to make money, all she had to say was that it wasn’t worth risking life and limb for the sake of people who don’t care if they live or die.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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